Stabilization/destabilization in Gaza

I am not close enough to Gaza to be able to say anything definitive about the clashes that have occurred there the past couple of days. Yesterday, Abu Yousef Abu Quka, described as a senior commander in the Popular Resistance Committees, was killed in a car bomb; and after that there were some related clashes that have so far killed three people and wounded 36.
I find it interesting and significant that it is Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh who has been speaking out about the need to end the clashes and, as this AP report says, to have the

    security forces … try to “pull our civilian gunmen off the streets,” though he did not specify which armed men or elaborate on a plan.

It is still not entriely clear to me which of the five main PA security forces will be reporting to Haniyeh’s Interior Minister, Saed Siyam, and which to President Mahmoud Abbas. But it’s notable that Abbas has so far not been quoted as saying anything public about these intra-Palestinian clashes or the need to contain and end them.
This seems like an early security challenge for the new Hamas-led government. What role have the various Fateh security bosses been playing in provoking them, I wonder? And how many of them will be prepared to cooperate with Hamas in ending the internal fighting?
Maybe this is the ‘Altalena’ for the new government. But the out-of-control gunmen they need to contain come from a number of different factions and sides, many of them affiliated with Fateh.
(When I interviewed FM Mahmoud Zahhar on March 6, he expressed confidence that most of the Fateh-affiliated people in the various PA structures would work honestly to continue to help the PA project succeed under its new management. I guess that we will now see whether that is indeed the case.)

US-Iraqi women’s conference– Part 2

… Monday afternoon, I took a bit of time out from the US-Iraq women’s
conference I was at to sit in a wifi zone in the hotel there and write up this JWN
post about the conference.  It seems that while I was away, the
differences of opinion that I had noted there between the Iraqi
invitees– and principally, the difference between those who stayed in
Iraq throughout the whole sanctions era and those who lived as exiles
in those years– became much more pointed… to the extent that
participants in this “peace” gathering had been standing up, yelling
at each other, and threatening to walk out.

I guess the organizers and a couple of the US invitees intervened to
try to calm things down.  When I got back there, the Benedictine US nun
Sr. Joan Chittester, one of the organizers, was saying some pacific
things about “well, now you’ve seen how democracy works.  Everyone
has to at least stay and listen to everyone else’s point of view.”

That evening, there were a lot of inter-religious peacemakery things
organized.  I’m not entirely sure about the cultural context of
having people watch two women performing a classical Indian dance…
The dance was fairly pretty to watch, but personally I was extremely
hungry at that point (7:30 p.m.) having been up since 6 a.m.

Then yesterday morning we were back in the conference room again. 
For that session, which was billed as lasting from 9 a.m. through 1
p.m.–with no break anywhere along the way!  can you imagine?–
the moderator was Kate Snow, another rising female star at ABC News who
co-anchors the weekend edition of their morning show and was previously
their White House correspondent.

Snow is another smart young network-groomed woman, like Elizabeth Vargas
yesterday.  But completely out of her depth in this context, since
it didn’t take long before the (purely rhetorical) sparks began to fly
there.  This session had been billed as having six Iraqi women
speakers talking about “Fostering people-to-people dialogue: Changing attitudes
and misperceptions”.

The third of the speakers was Dr.
Katrin Michael, 
a Christian woman from the north of Iraq
who had joined the Kurdish opposition in 1982; fled the country in 1988
after having survived a chemical weapons attack (date and details of
which, uncertain); ended up in Algeria; barely escaped the
fundamentalist violence there; ended up as a resettled refugee in
Washington DC in 1997…  Where she still lives.  Nowadays,
she does research there on Iraqi women’s issues.

Her presentation was stridently “exilist”.  She ended up
making a loud appeal for Americans to join in fighting against the
“terrorists” in Iraq, and said “we Iraqis are in the front line against
the terrorists”.  (She didn’t note that there had been no jihadist
militants in Iraq prior to the US invasion of 2003, whereas now,
evidently, there are… ) 

She declared loudly a number of times that “I have forgiven”  the
people who had harmed her earlier.  But honestly, the general
tenor of her very accusatory presentation indicated strongly to me that
there are plenty of people whom she has not even come close to
forgiving.  Again and again, at one point, she said “I am a
victim; I am a victim; I am a victim!”  (I felt like saying to
her, “Katrin, my dear, I heard you the first time.  You are a
victim.  But you know what?  At this point, everyone in Iraq
is feeling very hurt, wounded, and fearful.  Everyont there is a
victim.  And you’re living there in Washington DC… “)

Michael, Lamia Talebani
(who spoke a little later) and
Judge Zakia Hakki
(who spoke Monday– and again yesterday) were the most ardent representatives of what I
call the Iraqi  “exilist” viewpoint, that is, the view of those
who (1) had spent the 1990s in exile, (2) had been among those most strongly
advocating the use of US power to overtthrow the Saddamist regime, and
who (3) until today remain supportive of  the 2003 invasion even if
criticial of some of the details of  subsequent US actions in
Iraq.  (Hakki did voice some such criticisms; so did
Talebani.  They have both lived for at least part of the time
since 2003 inside Iraq.  Katrin Michael, who has not spent time in Iraq since 200,3 did not voice any such
criticisms .)

But before I  describe the argument, let me give a quick digest of
what all the speakers on the main panel said.

Continue reading “US-Iraqi women’s conference– Part 2”

Democracy in Palestine

This from AP:

    Hamas formally took power Wednesday, with the Palestinian president swearing in a 24-member Cabinet that includes 14 ministers who served time in Israeli prisons.
    The ceremony, which came just a day after Israel’s national election, ended a two-month transition period of ambiguity since Hamas’ election victory in January.
    With a Hamas government installed, the lines of confrontation with Israel were clearly drawn. Hamas insists it will not soften its violent ideology toward the Jewish state.
    Israel’s presumed prime minister-designate, Ehud Olmert, has countered that if Hamas will not bend, he will set the borders of a Palestinian state by himself and keep large areas of the West Bank.
    With Hamas at the helm, the Palestinian Authority also faces a crippling international economic boycott.
    “With Hamas taking over now, you can’t have business as usual,” Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Mark Regev said…

In the slideshow that AP has of current and recent news photos from the region, there are images of massive and very peaceful Hamas demonstrations greeting the government’s swearing-in, in Gaza. (Of course, some of the ministers had to be sworn in in Ramallah, since Israel won’t allow even parliamentarians and PA government ministers of whom it disapproves to travel between the two portions of the OPTs.)
There were also images of Ismail Haniyeh and his Gaza-bound governmental colleagues all standing together outside the parliament building there, holding up their index fingers. It was an obvious visual reference to the images of people in Iraq and Palestine holding up ink-stained fingers after they participated in their recent, respective elections.
So, now we have a government responsible to a duly elected parliament installed in occupied Palestine. We don’t yet have one in Iraq. But what will happen to the plans the Palestinian government has to build a better life for their people?
Let’s see.

Democracy in Israel

HaAretz is now saying that the vote count there, with 99.5% of votes counted, gives this result for the 120-seat Knesset:

    Kadima– 28 seats
    Labor– 20
    Shas– 13
    Yisrael Beitenu (Lieberman)– 12
    Likud– 11
    National Union/National Religious Party– 9
    Pensioner’s Party (Rafi Eitan)– 7
    United Torah Judaism– 6
    Meretz– 4
    [All Arab parties]– 10

Congratulations to my friends in Meretz for having retained their four seats! (At one point, they were forecast to lose two of them.)
The rise of the “Pensioners’ Party”, headed by longtime spy boss Rafi Eitan, was the big surprise. He was the man responsible for (1) capturing Adolph Eichmann and (2) running the very damaging spy Jonathan Pollard deep in the bosom of the US national-security apparatus in the 1980s…
(Hat-tip to Imshin for tha tlast link. She wrote today, “You wouldn’t believe how many youngsters I know who voted for the pensioners’ party, not to mention non-Russian’s who voted for Avigdor Lieberman…”
Now coalition formation will get seriously underway…

Czar George speaks

The US ambassador in Baghdad, Zal Khalilzad, has been working feverishly around the clock (but notably not behind the scenes) to try to make sure that his favored candidate (SCIRI’s Adel Abdul-Mahdi) gets the premiership of the National Assembly that was elected– let me see– 104 days ago. The UIA bloc, of which SCIRI is a part, is the biggest bloc in the Assembly. But in an internal deliberation in early February the UIA’s parliamentarians determined that its candidate for PM would not be Abdul-Mahdi but would continue to be Ibrahim Ja’afari of the Daawa Party…
Today, the NYT tells us that Khalilzad has escalated his campaign against Ja’afari by telling senior politicians in the UIA that Czar George W. Bush himself, sitting in his distant imperial capital, has now issued a ukaz (edict, fatwa, diktat… ) to the effect that:

    Mr. Bush “doesn’t want, doesn’t support, doesn’t accept” Mr. Jaafari as the next prime minister…

The NYT’s Ed Wong reported that Redha Jowad Taki, described as a UIA parliamentarian and an aide to SCIRI head Abdul-Aziz Hakim, was one of those who accompanied Hakim to a meeting with Khalilzad last Saturday in which the US viceroy reportedly “told” Hakim,

    to pass on a “personal message from President Bush” to the interim prime minister, Ibrahim al-Jaafari… Mr. Khalilzad said Mr. Bush “doesn’t want, doesn’t support, doesn’t accept” Mr. Jaafari as the next prime minister… It was the first “clear and direct message” from the Americans on a specific candidate for prime minister, Mr. Taki said.
    …American officials in Baghdad did not dispute the Shiite politicians’ account of the conversation, though they would not discuss the details of the meeting.

I note here– yet again!– that Wong routinely, throughout this piece, describes Hakim as “the head of the main Shiite political bloc”, though in the February vote the UIA showed that not to be the case.
Referring to Hakim as “the head of the UIA, or “the most powerful politician in Iraq” actually obfuscates the whole story. A casual reader of stories making such designations would be left asking, “If Hakim is indeed ‘the head’ of the UIA bloc, and ‘the most powerful Shiite politician in Iraq’, then why on earth is Ibrahim Ja’afari still the UIA’s candidate for PM?”
I note too that there are many Orwellian undertones to the whole story of the US intervention in this whole, extremely lengthy and high-stakes government-formation process in Iraq… In addition to the mere fact of the intervention, that is…
One is that, as I noted in this recent post, Zal and his cohorts keep talking about the need for government that pursues a vision of a “unified” Iraq– but they are hard at work blocking the pol who has the most credibility as a proponent of Iraqi national unity–Moqtada Sadr– from having any influence in the government. (Sadr still has a US ‘arrest warrant’ out against him. He has thrown his considerable political weight behind Ja’afari, who is not a forecful political figure in his own right.)
Another Orwellian undertone is that Zal and his cohorts fulminate in public against the activities of the ‘sectarian militias’– while at the same time they are working hard to bring into the seat of government power SCIRI, which runs the biggest, best-embedded, and most violent of these militias…
These things are not spelled out nearly enough in the MSM. (To say the least!)
At a broader level, though, I am impressed that despite 104 days of the US using all the levers of power at its control in Iraq– US blandishments, promises, bribes, military operations, black operations, etc etc– the UIA has stayed quite steadfast in refusing to allow Czar George and his viceroy to determine who will be the next PM.
In fact, if Zal now has to resort unequivocally to saying– in a meeting with Hakim and his (presumably, all-SCIRI) aides– that Czar George himself doesn’t want Ja’afari in power, then this kind of direct, open intervention is already a mark of how weak and desperate his and the Bush administration’s position has become!
(Bizarre, and to me a sign of weakness, too, that Zal would be seeking to ‘pass on’ this message to Ja’afari through Hakim himself… Actually, extremely bizarre indeed.)
I hope Ja’afari and Sadr both have very good personal-security details.
Also, of course that meeting was Saturday. Sunday the US military attacked (apparently) a Sadrist office/husseiniyah, and after that no UIA pols at all have been prepared to meet with Zal. And notably, it was after Sunday that Hakim’s person, Taki, started talking to the press and spilling the beans about Czar George’s ukaz– presumably as a way of trying to distance SCIRI from any complicity in the anti-Ja’afai campaign. (One can just imagine the conversation: “Ed, I have to tell you that Mr. Hakim was deeply shocked– shocked!– to hear the content of the message the Americans were asking him to transmit”… )
As this piece by Knight-Ridder’s Nancy Youssef and Warren Stroebel tells us, on Tuesday evening,

    Salim al-Maliki, the minister of transportation and a member of the dominant United Iraqi Alliance [can anyone tell us from which party? — HC], said al-Jaafari was still the slate’s candidate.
    “We do not accept interference by the United States or any other foreign body because it is an internal decision of United Iraqi Alliance,” al-Maliki said.

Youssef and Stroebel also report there that the US has sent a message to Ayatollah Sistani asking his help in “getting us out of this impasse,” as an unnamed official in Washington was quoted as saying.
What “impasse”? The “impasse” in the government-formation process in Iraq that has existed so far — a fact of Iraqi political life that is now absolutely, indubitably harming the interests of the Iraqi people–is completely a creation of the US’s anti-Jaafari blocking tactics.
These journos refer to “leading Shiite politician Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim”…
But they also, sensibly, wrote this:

    Judith Yaphe, a Persian Gulf expert at the National Defense University in Washington, called the reported attempts to pressure al-Jafaari to resign “heavy-handed.”
    “They have to know that Sistani does not want to be seen as interfering in the political process,” she said. “You’re guaranteed to get the result that you don’t want.”

Israel election: the allure of ‘separation’

HaAretz had a fascinating piece yesterday that was Ari Shavit’s account of a fierce discussion he had with Kadima MK (and Labor defecter) Haim Ramon about the virtues of the ‘spearation barrier’ (the Wall) and the whole Kadima mindset of unilateral separation that goes with it.
Since this is certainly the main issue in today’s election in Israel, I thought people might want to read the article. It’s here.

Perspectives on Iraq

This is just to note that our friends Reidar, Shirin, and Salah have continued their good discussion on intra-UIA and UIA-US issues down on this JWN comments board.
Meanwhile, Juan Cole is still referring in a quite uncritical way to Abdel-Aziz Hakim as “the Iraqi Shiite cleric who heads the largest bloc in the elected parliament.”

Iraqi and US women on war, occupation, peace

I’m here attending the two-day conference Creating our Common Future, which is billed as an “Iraqi and American Women’s Summit”. The morning’s session was extraordinary. We had six Iraqi women and one man up there on the platform, in a lengthy panel discussion titled “Stories from the Ground”, that was moderated by Elizabeth Vargas, the co-anchor of the big network news program that ABC News does every day.
Of the seven Iraqis, one (the ethnic Kurdish judge Zakia Hakki) was a strong cheerleader for the US invasion of, and continued presence in, Iraq; a couple– including Faiza al-Araji and Dr. Rashad Zaydan (a pharamacist working with a charitable organization in Baghdad and Fallujah)– were outspoken critics; and the rest were all somewhere in between.
I believe the Iraqi “delegates” here (not sure that anyone has actually been “delegated” to be here; but it sounds important, doesn’t it?) have had some time meeting just with each other over the weekend.
And then just before lunch, the deep differences among the US invitees here became clear, too. First up there was Sr. Joan Chittister, a Benedictne nun who gave a truly inspiring, wonderful short sermon about the folly and tragedy of the whole war venture, and the need for us all “not to drink from the water of hate.” Then there was Olara Otunnu, a Ugandan-American who’s worked with the UN for a long time, including as Sec-Gen’s Special Rep for Children and Armed Conflict. He gave a kind of generic plea for everyone to focus on the children, saying very little of any specificity to Iraq. And then we had Charlotte Ponticelli, who’s the “Senior Coordinator for International Women’s Issues” at the State Dept.
Sr. Joan had gotten a standing ovation from most of the 120 or so people present, for her oration. Ponticelli tried to follow that performance with some extreme rhetorical flourishes, and with continual references to “the courage of our Iraqi sisters who have stepped up to the plate“– a very provincially American metaphor from (I think) baseball that most people from outside the US find quite mystifying… Exactly what plate it was the Iraqi women had “stepped up to”, and what they were expected to do now they were there– all that was left very general…
And she talked again and again about how her Bushite masters had “liberated” the Iraqis, and how much better things were in Iraq now than before 2003, etc.
It’s been an interesting experience being in this gathering where the differences of opinion within each of the two bodies politic are so very, very evident.
I’m not sure exactly what the organizers are hoping to get out of the event. Oh, here‘s one early expression of their goals:

Continue reading “Iraqi and US women on war, occupation, peace”