My latest long article on Hamas is now up on the Boston Review’s website. The full title is Breakout: Hamas and the end of the two-state solution.
Of course, you should read every word of it. But if for some hard-to-fathom reason you don’t have time, here’s the “conclusion”:
- even with a [Gaza-Israel] ceasefire, what are the prospects for peace over the next five to ten years? Most likely there will be a “two-entity” situation, with one of these entities being a small, quasi-state administration operating in Gaza and the other an Israel that is unable to disentangle itself from the West Bank. Neither of these entities would be a settled state, secure within stable and recognized borders.
This hardly constitutes an enduring, solution. Israel cannot maintain its current, extraordinarily repressive measures against the 2.3 million Palestinians of the West Bank over the long run. And if it cannot meet the West Bankers’ demands for self-determination and the liberation of their territory, then the West Bankers might turn to demanding full equal rights for themselves within the Israel that threatens to engulf them. Meanwhile, the claims of the five million or so Palestinians who are [diasporic] refugees either from pre-1967 Israel or from the West Bank for, first and foremost, a return to their families’ homes and farms, or failing that proportionate compensation, will continue. It is worth remembering, too, the high proportion of Gazans who come from refugee families. Even a Gaza that becomes economically rehabilitated to some degree will not abandon the broader Palestinian movement. And Jerusalem will always remain a touchstone issue—for Palestinians and for a billion other Muslims around the world, just as for Jews in Israel and beyond.
As Israel reaches its 60th birthday this May, its citizens have reason to be proud of many of the state’s achievements. But it has still failed to find a fair and sustainable accommodation with the Palestinians who were the earlier residents of its land, and this failure will plague its relations with its neighbors and others around the world until it is resolved…
Actually there is whole lot in the piece other than that that’s worth reading.
I found the piece really hard to write, in good part because of the long lead-time involved in all this dead-tree publication business. I guess I get spoiled with the instant publication-gratification I get used to here on the blog.
A careful reader will note that the date-stamp embedded into the text is April 24. Throughout a lot of the writing and the lengthy revising of this article, the prospects for Hamas reaching a ceasefire agreement with the Olmert government were pitching and yawing wildly up and down. (Nautical terms there, folks.)
That made it particularly hard to write.
As of now, May 15, Olmert has been losing power within the coalition so rapidly in recent weeks that the prospects for the tahdi’eh with Hamas that he was exploring much more seriously back in April seem to have plummeted again. Guess that’s how it goes, though goodness only knows the situation of Gaza’s 1.45 million people remains extremely difficult indeed.
Anyway, since George Bush thrust the whole “we should never talk to Hamas!” issue into the public limelight today, I would like to remind JWN readers of the following two articles I wrote last year, that laid out the arguments why we should, indeed, do so:
- Facing Hamas and Hizbullah, from The Nation, on November 2, 2007, and
Ten reasons to talk to Hamas, from JWN, June 25, 2007.
George Bush made a foolish and very self-destructive error when he simply lumped Hamas and Hizbullah in with Al Qaeda as “terrorists” who– like the Nazis in 1939– should be shunned and crushed by the US and everyone around the world. As you’ll see in those articles, there are considerable and politically very significant differences between, on the one hand, Hamas and Hizbullah, and on the other Al-Qaeda. Also, to liken either of these movements with a Nazi apparatus that controlled the resources of an entire, powerful, European state at the time is the height of historical ignorance, and folly…