- A couple of days ago, Al-Hayat carried this report about a conference held by a coalition of southern Iraqi political figures called the the Federal Democratic Iraq Gathering (Southern region council). It aroused some interest in the ‘big’ blogosphere (e.g., Juan Cole.) However, Badger of Missing Links had a noticeably different translation into English of one of the key sentences there.
Then, building on Badger’s translation, Reidar Visser sent me and his other email ‘subscribers’ the quick analysis that follows. I reproduce it here with his permission. He asks me to note that this piece of analysis had been sent as an ‘exclusive’ to subscribers rather than being posted as an online article on his website.
His text follows.
By Reidar Visser (http://historiae.org)
15 April 2007
A conference
held in
Baghdad on 14 April by members of the Council for the Region of the
South (Majlis Iqlim al-Janub) has attracted some interest in the
pan-Arab press. The council works for the establishment of a southern
region limited to Basra, Maysan and Dhi Qar that would create a wedge
internally among the Shiites by concentrating all the oil wealth in a
single region and leaving six Shiite governorates without any oil.
The pan-Arab
press
has focused on negative reactions to the project among Iraqi
parliamentarians, as could perhaps be predicted. Historically, even
Shiite politicians from Baghdad and Najaf have been uneasy about the
zest for autonomy among the population of the far south. Thus it is
unsurprising that Ali al-Adib of the Daawa party should criticise the
movement and its timing, although the manner in which he did so is
quite remarkable: he said that such conferences should not come about
without prior agreement with governmental and parliamentarian forces.
That sort of comment is of course antithetical to the “federalism from
below” spirit of the Iraqi constitution (where regions are to be
created by popular initiatives rather than by national politicians),
but is perhaps another sign that parliamentarians are ambivalent about
the powers they theoretically have ceded in this manner – the Supreme
Council for the Islamic Revolution of Iraq (SCIRI) has so far been
prominent in trying to impose a federal vision “from above”, namely,
that of all the nine Shiite-majority regions south of Baghdad. Negative
reactions from Sunni Islamists (who refer to the ongoing process of
revising the Iraqi constitution) and “Sadrists” (who on this occasion
continue to construe federalism as a plot to partition Iraq) are more
in line with expectations, although it is noteworthy that the “Sadrist”
press comment was delivered by a Fadila MP from Basra – which could be
indicative of the ongoing tension between centralist and regionalist
wings inside the Fadila, or a case of a defection from Fadila to the
supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr. (The media tend to use the term
“Sadrists” for the latter only. Conflict between the two groups have
surged in Basra lately.)
The goals of
the
southern regionalists are well known. They have been pursued for more
than two years, primarily by the Fadila party, but also by some
secularists in Basra and by tribal leaders in Maysan and Dhi Qar (for
background, see for instance http://historiae.org/oil.asp
) The interesting aspect about this story is the identity of the
regionalists in question. No names are given in the most recent press
report, but an organisation with an identical name was founded in
Nasiriyya in May last year – so far without attracting much attention
from outsiders. Intriguingly, the leading figures behind that move were
from SCIRI, Daawa and various smaller political groups in Nasiriyya.
The Sadrists and Fadila were not represented. Of course, the central
leadership of SCIRI favours a project which competes with the Region of
the South (three governorates) – the far bigger Region of the Centre
and the South (nine governorates), and as such the SCIRI-led
organisation in favour of a small-scale south at first comes across as
an astonishing contradiction.
There are at
least
two possible explanations. Firstly, regional sentiment in the far south
of Iraq is very pronounced and often overrides the ideology of the
central leadership of the national parties. This has been seen in
Fadila (which has always been more localist in Basra), Daawa, among the
Sadrists of Maysan (who sometimes employ regionalist rhetoric in the
context of oil), and even among SCIRI members in Basra (some of whom
continued to focus on Basra and the far south even after the central
leadership had declared a single Shiite region as their goal.) The
Nasiriyya-based Council for the Region of the South could be yet
another example of regionalist sentiment cutting across ideological
affiliations. Alternatively, this may be another instance of a
phenomenon seen elsewhere in the south, where SCIRI have created
“copycat” organisations in order to gain a foothold in a region where
they traditionally have had problems. In Maysan, for instance, there
are two Hizbollahs, one tribal and quite secularist, another pro-SCIRI
and more Islamist. SCIRI are clearly trying to capitalise on the
ongoing tension in the Sadrist camp in Basra between Fadila and
followers of Muqtada al-Sadr, and theoretically this latest move by the
Council for the Region of the South could have to do with another
attempt at breaking down resistance to SCIRI in the far south, by
co-opting and diluting it. The fact that the foundation of Majlis Iqlim
al-Janub back in 2006 was widely reported in SCIRI and Badr media might
suggest that the latter interpretation is the more plausible one.
Thanks to Badger
for highlighting these interesting developments at his site http://arablinks.blogspot.com
So how does this report square with Vissar’s, Badger’s and Cobban’s often posited theory that Iraq is historically an logically a unified country whose people have a common nationalist bound that is being undermined by, in Vissar words, “a few trouble makers” and other “outsiders” (e.g. Americans).
Good question, Tom. (Except that you considerably over-state the degree to which I– and possibly also the other two mentioned there– see Iraq as “historically and logically a unified country”.)
My view, from afar but based on some knowledge of the country and my fairly extensive experience with various very lethal instances of civil strife around the world, is (1) that issues of identity and above all allegiance are the subject of considerable and sometimes rapid flux during such periods; (2) the allegiance to existing state outlines is generally stronger than many outsiders realize; and (3) I have a vivid appreciation for the real difficulties and suffering that any partitionist scheme always involves, and I suspect that Iraqis– who have witnessed events in Palestine and India/Pakistan from fairly close up, share that.
Anyway, as I’m sure you’re well aware, I truly believe it is not for any outsiders to determine how Iraq’s people organize their governance system.
I think Helena’s point that “issues of identity and above all allegiance are the subject of considerable and sometimes rapid flux” is spot on.
Historically, Iraqis have changed sub-national identities at a rapid clip. Sunnis become Shi’a, Shi’is become Sunnis, Turcomans and Kurds become Arabized, and at least one very famous Jewish Iraqi intellectual became Muslim in the 1930’s. This pattern continued through the 1940’s and possibly even after. Then sectarian and sub-national identities hardened in the 1970-2003 period. And after the 2003 war, sub-national affiliations took on a flavor of their own. But no-one has given up on their “Iraq-ness”. Following Benedict Andersen’s dictum, Iraqis are just imagining Iraqi identity[ies] differently so I think we’ll just have to wait and see how this all works out in the end.
Helena Cobban
My view, from afar but based on some knowledge of the country and my fairly extensive experience with various very lethal instances of civil strife around the world,
May this can help you Helena Cobban with your some knowledge of the country?
Iraq is different Helena Cobban, to compares any place all around the world like Iraq….
Morris, from Brooklyn, NY writes:
Dear Mr. Ford: Wouldn’t Iraq be better off, and with much less violence and problems, if the country were split into three separate provinces? One for the Sunnis, one for the Shiites, and one for the Kurds.
Robert Ford
Morris – I have not in my 2+ years here yet met an Iraqi who thinks this would be a good idea. They want to stay a single country and they have had one for the past 85 years.
Helena Cobban,
what your thoughts about Iraq with your “some knowledge of the country and my fairly extensive experience with various very lethal instances of civil strife around the world” its not far from White colonized view about Iraq before 85 years as your country woman Khatun Baghdad Miss Gertrude Bell in Baghdad followed by a new Baghdad Khatun Mrs. Meghan O’Sullivan., this project was 85 years ago but for some regional variables Britt’s changed their mind, now they cam back to finish their project 85 years old, its nothing new or a discovery as Reidar Visser trying to tell us which what he doing not more that analysing the progress of the old project regrettably using his academic profit ional to twisting and manipulating the people minds as some academic did in many case like Palestine and Israeli case.
Hala
Iraqis have changed sub-national identities at a rapid clip. Sunnis become Shi’a, Shi’is become Sunnis, Turcomans and Kurds become Arabized, and at least one very famous Jewish Iraqi intellectual became Muslim in the 1930’s.
Here we got a new specialist in Iraq!!, Hala can tell us more what you meant “sub-national” as anew discovery also?
Its so naïve to tell how that the mirage between Iraqi society change their thoughts about their nationalism (Hala, This true in one case when Iranians women cam in big waves as a salivary to Iraqi society and married Iraqis).
As per Jews, here again you miss the point, I tell you this my father had many very very close Jew friends and during their departure from Iraq due to Jewish Stat Project, they tell they would never leave Iraq, and they cry heavily to leave Iraq because they are Iraqi first and foremost and they feel the nationalism inside, not if they convert to Islam Hala..
This story makes in light your mind about Jew in Iraq and how they love to be Iraqi nationalist.
Passover in Baghdad
As they dithered I asked them what they wanted me to tell the organizers of the airlift. They told me they wanted to stay. Ishak was outraged. ‘You will be corrupted or they will make you convert,’ he told them. Then he said to me, ‘Once a man in a desert found people who were dying of thirst. They said, “give us water!” so he did. Then they said, “this is warm, we want cold water!” So the man could do nothing and left them. So let’s go. They are crazy.’
There are certain ongoing attempts to drag Turkey into chaos. How do you view this situation?
These attempts have been made persistently for 300 years. Those external powers that became aware that they would be unable to deal with a strong Turkey are trying to cut the connection between the Anatolian people and their inheritance from the past, including their spiritual roots. These kinds of plots are by no means new. Only the methods employed and the plots staged have changed with time. The forms of the assaults against the spirit of the nation and the nature of the plots have changed depending on changing circumstances, conjectures, popular methods and schemes. These plans go back eight centuries, but in particular the crimes committed over the last three centuries are self-evident and need no further clarification.
http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/detaylar.do?load=detay&link=108660&bolum=8
This may related with Helena and other view about Iraq, Iraqi nationalism, this bit about turkey which is without doubt the history tells us how those external power dismantled Othman Empire after WWI and loots its lands and nations….in ME.
Surly there are conflicts between “Globalizations and Free Markets” and nationalism nowadays, so who will win time will tell?
Note:
Please Helena approve my past post, still waiting your approval, I hope you approved not like few posts (in different locations) went done by you.
For Hala,
Could you tell us with your “sub-national identities” theory how in your view see this in regards to nationalism:
One of the main forecasts of the book was that Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line — those who currently enjoy Israeli citizenship and those who live as oppressed subjects of Israel’s occupation — would soon find common cause as Israel tries to seal itself off from what it calls the Palestinian “demographic threat”: that is, the moment when Palestinians outnumber Jews in the land between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.
I suggested that Israel’s greatest fear was ruling over a majority of Palestinians and being compared to apartheid South Africa, a fate that has possibly befallen it faster than I expected with the recent publication of Jimmy Carter’s book, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. To avoid such a comparison, I argued, Israel was creating a “Jewish fortress”, separating — at least demographically — from Palestinians in the occupied territories by sealing off Gaza through a disengagement of its settler population and by building a 750km wall to annex large areas of the West Bank.
http://www.counterpunch.org/cook01192007.html
Examination of “allegiance and identity” in relation to present day Iraq surely needs to take into account the (80%) Shiite and Kurdish recent memory of the atrocious war crimes committed by the Baath (Sunni) regime against their people? When writing the new constitution this memory led to both parties insisting on a federalised system with the powers of the central government strictly limited. More than anything else the Shiites and Kurds seem to fear a reimposition of Baath or extreme Sunni minority rule. It is hard to see this fear abating in the absence of a convincing reconciliation move from the Sunni leadership and while Shiite civilians are still being bombed en masse every week by the insurgency?
bb,
surely needs to take into account the (80%) Shiite and Kurdish recent memory of the atrocious war crimes committed by the Baath (Sunni) regime against their people?
Saddam had no Religion All Iraqi suffer badly under Saddam Regime who oppose his regime,
Another false clime “committed by the Baath (Sunni) regime” its not “Sunni” regime bb, if you think that 80% of Iraq band by Baath Party what your stock about party members figures?
Nowadays Iraqi killing continues and separation of other because they are linked before to party band by Bremer, and those who climes the Da’awa party member was banded by Saddam they did same acts what he did before they killing and targeting those oppose them.
So when we speak we should think what’s in case of chose made by occupation where are the truths hided and what’s the really going on the ground instead of marketing old claims and lies nowadays very obvious for any average people it was used to invade Iraq.
This link may help you to think about:
FLASHBACK: Robin Cook: The Arms to Iraq scandal Part 2
bb, one example of those who cry from saddam crimes and how they got to the top of the ladder with occupation force. This Tahir Al-Buka’a very well known Shiites family in Iraq (in Arabic Text)
الكثير من ابناء الناصرية عاشوا غصة والما حقيقيا بسبب طاهر البكاء عندما كان طالبا او عندما كان رئيسا للاتحاد الوطني لطلبة العراق في الناصرية ايضاً وكونه أحداكثر البعثيين سما وضغينة، الا ان تلك الغصة وذلك الالم الذي عانوا منه سيبقى بفعل الكرم الذي تلطف به الابراهيمي وبريمر ومجلس الحكم أذ جعلوا من طاهر خلف البكاء وزيرا للتعليم العالي وكأن العراق خال ممن هم انظف وانزه وأكثر كفاءة من طاهر البكاء
http://www.rezgar.com/debat/show.art.asp?aid=18980
Also see
http://www.rezgar.com/debat/show.art.asp?aid=19184
the Baath (Sunni) regime? Let us think about it:
· في زمن البعث عين الفريق اول الركن سعدي طعمة الجبوري وزيرا للدفاع .
· تعيين اول رئيس اركان للجيش العراقي من الشيعة تم في زمن البعث هو الفريق الركن عبد الواحد شنان آل رباط.
· اطول مدة قضاها في المنصب كوزير خارجية للعراق كان من الشيعة، وقد تم ذلك في زمن البعث وهو الدكتور سعدون حمادي، ثم تولى الوزارة طيلة التسعينات محمد سعيد الصحاف، وهو شيعي ايضا
· اطول مدة قضاها في المنصب كمسؤول عن النفط في زمن البعث في العراق ، كان من الشيعة وهو الدكتور سعدون حمادي، وذلك من خلال توليه منصب وزير النفط او بالاشراف على وزارة النفط عندما كان يترأس اللجنة الاقتصادية في مجلس الوزراء .
· اكثر فترة تولى فيها الشيعة منصب محافظ البنك المركزي العراقي كان ذلك في زمن البعث وهم الدكتور عبد الحسن زلزلة و طارق التكمه جي وهذا ما لم يحصل في اي عهد سابق.
· لاول مرة في تاريخ دولة العراق يتولى فيها شخص شيعي منصب مدير الامن العامة وهي في زمن البعث وكان ذلك الشخص هو ناظم كزار وكان معاونه هو علي رضا باوة ( شيعي فيلي ).
· المسؤول الاول عن التحقيقات الجنائية للمنتمين الى حزب الدعوة الذين مارسوا العمالة الى ايران والقيام بتفجيرات في داخل العراق في الثمانينات والتسعينيات والذي استطاع انهاء الدور التخريبي لهذا الحزب ، كان من الشيعة، و هو عقيد الامن علي الخاقاني، وهو من اهالي النجف، وهذا ما لايستطيع انكاره احد بمن فيهم حسين الشهرستاني.
· تولى رئاسة محمكة الثورة التي اختصت بالنظر في قضايا التآمر، شيعيان هما هادي علي وتوت ومسلم الجبوري.
· في زمن البعث تناوب اثنان من الشيعة على رئاسة الوزارة هما الدكتور سعدون حمادي ومحمد حمزة الزبيدي.
· اطول فترة قضاها رئيسا للمجلس الوطني العراقي كان من الشيعة وهو الدكتور سعدون حمادي.
· ووفي وزارة النفط كان فاضل الجلبي وكيلا للوزارة ، شيعي ، وهو( ابن عم احمد الجلبي) والدكتور عبدالامير الانباري، شيعي ، مستشارا للوزارة و رمزي سلمان، شيعي ، رئيسا لهيئة تسويق النفط ـ سومو ـ وهي الجهة المسؤولة عن تصدير النفط العراقي .
· اكثر من 60 بالمائة من المدراء العامين في هيئة التصنيع العسكري كانوا من الشيعة واكثر من سبعين في المائة من الكادر الهندسي والفني المتقدم فيها هم من الشيعة.
· معظم خبراء وعلماء منظمة الطاقة الذرية كانوا من الشيعة من بينهم جعفر ضياء جعفر وحسين اسماعيل البهادلي وحسين الشهرستاني.
· اكثر من ستين بالمائة من المدراء العاميين في الدولة العراقية وكوادرها الفنية والتقنية والعلمية الذين يشغلون المناصب والمسؤوليات المتقدمة فيها هم من الشيعة.
· اطول فترة قضى فيها شخص عراقي في منصب مدير عام في الدولة العراقية منذ تأسيها وحتى الغزو كان من الشيعة هو مدحت الهاشمي مدير عام الشركة العامة للسيارت.
· جميع المدراء العاميين لدوائر التربية في المحافظات العراقية في وسط وجنوب العراق كانوا من الشيعة طيلة فترة حكم البعث.
· ان اكثر من ستين بالمائة من البعثيين هم من الشيعة وكان الكادر الوسطي في البعث يتألف من اكثر من سبعين بالمائة من الشيعة وهم اساس بنية الحزب التنظيمية والتكوينية وهم من تولى العمل الجماهيري والتتنظيمي فيه.
· ابان الحرب العراقية الايرانية كان قائد صنف المدفعية هو اللواء الركن حامد الورد ـ شيعي ، وقائد صنف الدروع هو اللواء الركن صبيح عمران الطرفة ـ شيعي، وامين السر العام لوزارة الدفاع( اي الشخص الثاني بعد وزير الدفاع ) هو اللواء الركن سعدون شكارة المالكي، شيعي، ثم لاحقا اللواء الركن جياد الامارة ـ شيعي، وقائد الفيلق الثالث هو الفريق الركن سعدي طعمة الجبوري، شيعي، ومدير ادائرة التوجية السياسي عبد الجبار محسن اللامي، شيعي، وقائد قوات الحدود هو الفريق الركن علي الشلال ، ناهيك عن عدد كبير من قادة الفيالق وامراء الالوية وكبار ضبط الجيش والمستشارين العسكريين هم من الشيعة.
· المندوبين الدائمين للعراق في الامم المتحدة خلال حكم البعث كان عددهم عشرة اشخاص توالوا على هذا المنصب منهم اربعة شيعه هم:
1. طالب شبيب
2. عبدالامير الانباري وهو قد امضى اطول مدة في المنصب وتولاه مرتين
3. محمد صادق المشاط
4. سعيد الموسوي
كما تولى المنصب شخص واحد كردي هو عصمت كتاني، وكذلك شخص واحد فيلي هو عبد الكريم الشيخلي. اما السنه الذين تولوا هذا المنصب فهم:
1. عدنان الباجه جي
2. صلاح عمر العلي
3. نزار حمدون
4. محمد الدوري
· مندوبي العراق في اليونسكو هما اثنان من الشيعة:
1. عزيز حاج قلي شيعي فيلي
2. عبدلامير الانباري شيعي
· أخررئيس تحرير لجريدة الثورة الناطقة بحزب البعث هو سامي مهدي، شيعي من تبعية ايرانية.
· المستشار الاعلامي للرئيس صدام حسن، شيعي وهو عبد الجبار محسن.
· مستشار الرئيس صدام للشؤون الحزبية شيعي وهو محسن راضي سلمان.
· مرافق الرئيس صدام طيلة فترة السبعينات والثمانينيات وحتى بداية التسعينيات هو صباح مرزة محمود وهو كردي فيلي وشيعي.
· كما شغل منصب سكرتير الرئيس للشؤون الصحفية صباح سلمان وهو شيعي ايضا .
· كانت أسس الترشيح لمنصب المدير العام او للدرجة الخاصة ( رئيس مؤسسة او هيئة او وكيل وزارة او سفير او وزير) في الدولة العراقية تتم على اساس الكفاءة والاختصاص اولا والولاء للعراق ثانيا وحسن السيرة والسلوك ثالثا ثم العمل على تحقيق مباديء السابع عشر من تموز، تلك المباديء التي لايشوبها شائبة من اجل خدمة العراق وتقدمه ورقيه.
· جميع المطربين والملحنين وشعراء الاغنية الذين تغنوا للبعث وبحب القائد في زمن البعث كانوا من الشيعة.
· جميع الشعراء الشعبيين الذين كتبوا قصائدا للبعث وللقائد في زمن البعث كانوا من الشيعة.