Marching for Saddam?

In his “Informed Comment” blog, Juan Cole recently wrote:

    I wasn’t exactly for the war, I was just unable to bring myself to march to keep Saddam in power.

I don’t think that implication is at all a fair one to make. As someone who marched and undertook a lot of other activities to try to prevent Bombs-Away Don and his cronies from launching that disastrous war, I never for one moment thought I was “marching to keep Saddam in power”.
I think Juan should know my work and my writings well enough to know that. And he probably knows enough other people in the anti-war movement that, on a moment’s reflection, he would recognize that his blanket charge against all the anti-war marchers/protesters/activists is unfounded and unfair.
Juan has been so wise on so many issues in the Middle East that his slur hurts. I know he shares with me an strong commitment to the wellbeing of the peoples of the Middle East. In that same post he gives as the reason for his support for the war (which he admitted was “tepid”), Saddam’s record of iterated genocides against Iraq’s Kurds and Shi-ites. Unlike the whole elaborate constructs of fabricated nonsense about Iraq’s alleged WMDs, or its alleged links with Al-Qaeda, the argument about Saddam’s appalling and incontestable record of human-rights abuses is a serious one to which opponents of the war need to give intense consideration.
I have started to do this. Back at the end of June (and again at the end of July), I argued here on JWN that yes, we should all–governments, NGOs, and the global citizenry–have dealt far more effectively with the Iraqi human rights situation all along, but that, crucially, there were certainly ways of doing this other than, and probably much more effectively than, the launching of a war.
The one I have proposed is the creation– for Saddam’s Iraq, or perhaps for North Korea, Burma, or other grossly rights-abusing totalitarian regimes today– of a human-rights UNMOVIC.
I would love for Juan to retract his slur and (as a way, perhaps, of enacting his remorse over expressing it) to join with me in brainstorming ways that the rights situation of people living under totalitarian dictatorships can be improved in ways other than the unleashing of that unfailingly destructive and harmful instrument, war.
What d’you think, Juan? All that and a new semester of teaching, as well?

News from all over Africa (and elsewhere)

There’s a new blog, “Mostly AFRICA” which has been up just over a week and looks like incredible, one-stop shopping for the obsessed-with-Africa brigade.
The author, who doesn’t post a name, has links to a particularly rich collection of background pieces about today’s election in Rwanda.
Now that I’m an old-timer at this blogging business– nearly seven months now!– I can say it’s really great to see new people coming into the blogosphere.
Riverbend from Iraq is getting better and better. Time for me to put in the permanent link to her blog. But it means getting up close and personal with something called the “Main Index template” which still for some reason scares me.
Go on Helena, you can do it!
(p.s. I did it.)

Inquiries in UK and Oz

It’s been a riveting week at the Hutton Commission of Inquiry in the UK, and next week promises even more fireworks with Defence Secretary Geoff Hoon called to appear next Wednesday and none other than Tony Blair next Thursday.
Meanwhile in Oz, PM John Howard is also coming in for some tough questioning regarding allegations that people in his office, too, had “sexed up” the intel on Iraqi WMDs in an attempt to shoe-horn the Australian public into supporting the launching of the war.
Down under there, there hasn’t yet been any development as dramatic as last month’s killing (or suicide) of British WMD expert David Kelly, which forced Blair to appoint an indpendent judicial inquiry under Lord Hutton to investigate all the circs surrounding Kelly’s death. Lord H is keeping up a cracking pace of near-daily hearings, calling 6-12 witnesses per week. He plans to adjourn the hearing and start writing his report on Sept. 25.
In Australia, the venue is a parliamentary inquiry, and the pace more leisurely. Today, that inquiry heard a blistering attack on Howard from former Office of National Assessments senior analyst Andrew Wilkie– the same guy who resigned in March to express his outrage at the launching of the war.

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Riverbend arrives

Another great blog from a strong, authentic Iraqi voice. Riverbend describes herself as a 24-year-old Iraqi female who survived the war. She’s been writing for about a week and has a fresh and intelligent way of describing her life.
Thanks to Salam of “Where is Raed” for pointing me to her. I’ll get a link to Riverbend up on the main page here as soon as I can get into that template again.
She is especially good on A. Chalabi. See this post, and this one.
But she’s also good at just describing the ordinary, daily, and existentially scary things about being an Iraqi in Iraq these days.

Britain’s important Commission of Inquiry

Those of you who are close observers of UK affairs will already know that the Hutton Commission, whose mandate is “urgently to conduct an investigation into the circumstances surrounding [the recent death of British WMD expert Dr. David Kelly]”, has a well-organized and informative website.
The Commission’s staff manages to get the transcripts of each day’s hearings up onto the site within hours, and they are also putting up all the key pieces of documentary evidence as PDF files. Thursday, all relevant sub-poenaed documents that have not already been introduced as evidence will be put up onto the site in a batch.
I had a fascinating time last night, as I cruised the site reading internal memoes between Blair spinmeister Alistair Campbell and other cabinet and civil-service employees about the production of last September’s “dodgy dossier”…
My main impression to date is that, in the the UK as in the US, the political leaders first determined what they wanted to see presented as the “facts” regarding Iraq’s still oh-so-eulsive WMDs, and then told their intel people to go and find any evidence they could that would “support” those “facts”.
Then, when the inevitable questions arose about the quality of that evidence–as happened in London much faster than in Washington– the pols worked hard to bring the intel bosses into line with the views that (1) they had always thought the “evidence” was sound at the time it was presented to the public, and (2) there had never been any political tampering with the sanctity of the intelligence-assessment process.
Hence these sad spectacles of George Tenet being brought into line by the Prez here in the States, and a similar process occurring in the UK.
Of course, the long-term implications of all this for the integrity and morale of the professional intelligence-analysis apparatuses in these two countries are quite horrifying to think about.

Tragedies, tragedies

I was stunned by yesterday’s bombing of the UN HQ in Baghdad. Why the UN? Why Sergio Vieira de Mello, and so many other members of his team?
I was relieved to learn this morning that our dear friend Ghassan Salameh, now working as the UN mission’s top political advisor in Baghdad, managed to survive. He was described in a story in Lebanon’s Daily Star this morning as pretty distraught over the death of his friend and boss de Mello, and said he’d spent the past four hours scrabbling through the rubble looking for survivors.
Another massive bombing on Jerusalem’s No.2 bus yesterday, as well. When I see the footage of these events, wherever they take place, I remember what it’s like to experience the immediate aftermath of such an attack. Body parts flung into unlikely places. Screams of anguish. Dust and rubble. A universe turned upside down. And then, the enduring sense of loss and of anguish.
International humanitarian law tries, quite rightly, to afford special protections to civilians (and to former combatants who are currently hors de combat.) That distinction is at the heart of the Geneva Conventions and all the rest of international humanitarian law. When you reflect on such horrifying actions as those that created yesterday’s carnage in Baghdad or Jerusalem, you see why such protections are particularly valuable, and why the standard of working hard and actively to avoid harm to noncombatants has to be a vital value for our world.
People who are combatants have taken a special vow when they entered the military. Their special status allows them to kill (people who are other combatants), with impunity. But it also means they accept the risks of being killed or wounded in the line of duty. Civilians have taken no such vow.
These two events were, it seems to me, the result of deliberate actions, designed, planned, and executed by sentient human beings. And these actions aimed deliberately at bringing death and mayhem to noncombatants.
We can, and should, discuss the role of intentionality in all this. Is death as a result of the intention of the perpetrator any qualitatively different– for the victim, for her survivors, for the rest of society–than death by as a result of the perpetrator’s reckless or even wilfull inattention?
After all, many more deaths worldwide are caused through the reckless inattention of decisionmakers who in many cases would not even see themselves as perpetrators of wrongdoing than are caused through the perpetrators’ focused intention.
But there is something about the intentional infliction of harm that I, and I suspect most other people, find particularly revolting. The intentional harm-causer will, after all, fine-tune his actions precisely so as to cause the maximum of harm. (I think of the driver of the cement-mixer in Baghdad carefully easing his explosive-packed vehicle into the right place to cause the maximum death and destruction.) The reckless harm-causer, by contrast, may adjust his actions to minimize harm if the possibility of harm is brought to his attention. The person whom I would describe as the wilfully inattentive harm-causer lies somewhere between those two…
But regardless of the role of intentionality, the proscription against causing harm to civilians has to be stressed again and again.
These two bombings have a clear potential to radically change the course of events in the Middle East, and throughout the world. They bring us several steps closer to the worldwide clash between militant Muslims and the rest of the world that is, I believe, one of the main goals of their perpetrators.
I deeply, deeply do not want this clash to develop further. If it does, the main casualties will be caused not amongst the rich, comfortable segment of global society, but amidst the poor and downtrodden, the communities where people’s social and economic situations have already been chronically troubled for decades, and where inter-group hatreds that are pursued under the banner of values that are claimed to be “religious” can cause almost unimaginable harm.
Think of much of the Third World being transformed into Lebanon. While the arms dealers and other chaos merchants of the comfortable world rake in their tidy profit.
Can we avoid this outcome? Yes, I believe we can. We need urgently to open a dialogue of conscience and of values around the world. The current decade is supposed to be the UN’s Decade of Nonviolence. Now that one of the UN’s finest has been killed by the forces of chaos and confrontation, it would be great if Kofi Annan would lead this new call for conscience and values. It would involve restating some important values on which the UN was founded, like those of national independence (for Iraqis) and of human equality (Israel/Palestine), and of peaceful and speedy resolution of outstanding conflicts…
Along the way, though, we also need to restate the core values of international humanitarian law, and work hard to re-establish the global consensus– in the Middle East, in Africa, and elswhere– that regardless of the nature of the conflict or oppression, causing damage to civilians is always wrong.
I note that this a core value of much of traditional Islamic writing on the constraints to be observed in times of war. We urgently need to initiate a global dialogue with Muslim political activists of all stripes on this issue.

Heathrow

Finally, I’m able to get a link to the CSM column of mine that ran last Thursday, that provoked so many expressions of anger and hostility in the Comments sections here.
I’m sending this post from Heathrow, on my way back to the US of A. All of political britain is abuzz with the prospect that this week will see many of the Blair government’s heavyweights testifying in public to the Hutton Commission about the two linked questions: Who threw scientist David Kelly to the wolves? and Was there indeed political manipulation of the intel on Iraq’s weapons programs? I think Blair’s chief media spinner Alistair Campbell is due to testify tomorrow.

Short update from the UK

I’m writing this from my sister’s computer in England. Interested to see the numbers of ardently pro-Israel people posting comments on my last post, on the CSM column of mine that ran on Thursday (which they did under the next post here), and on the Israel/South Africa comparison piece.
When I have the time and the bandwidth, I’ll sit down and write some reactions to some of those. But it strikes me the level of some of the discourse/analysis there is really amazingly low. Accusations of me being a Jew-hater or the whole of France being a Jew-hating country really seem inane. As does the apparent description of Palestinians as Jordanian and Egyptian immigrants to “Judea and Samaria.”
Hey guys, let’s try to keep things reasonable and respectful?

France, wars, and churches

Today, I finished writing a CSM column, scheduled to appear Thursday, that draws a little on my experience of being here in a bustling and unified Europe.
The question I ask is how Israelis plan to build the kind of respectful relations with their neighbors, the Palestinians, that alone can assure their own longterm wellbeing. The examples I drew on were the way France and its Allies treated Germany after WW1 (punitive, harsh) versus what they did after WW2 (visionary, rehabilitative). I didn’t mention the war memorials here. Probably, I should have.
Tomorrow we drive up into Belgium. Definitely through WW1 trench country. I’ve found one part of our route that is called “La Route des Fortifications”. Maybe that would be the Maginot Line, folly of follies. Like Sharon’s Maginot Fence in the West Bank.
But generally, this trip seems to have had Romanesque (10th-12th century) churches as a major theme. Boy, France was a rich area back then, to support the building of so many, such huge churches, abbeys, etc.
Last Friday, we hiked two kilometres down to this little church at Thines:
Thines.jpg
The next day…

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