A horrible connection here in Martinborough, New Zealand. I’ll leave this thread here for you all to discuss Iraq, Bush’s Tuesday speech, etc.
I have reams of things I’ve written about NZ on my laptop but I can’t transfer it onto this hotel computer which doesn’t appear to have a spare USB port for my thumbstick. Grrr.
I’ll do what I can connection-wise over the next few days. But I’ll be home in Virginia on July 3 so normal posting on JWN will definitely resume then… maybe before.
Seattle’s finest…
Good editorial in the Seattle Post-Intelligencer today.
The title is: Iraq Occupation: This war can’t be won.
Go down to the bottom of the editorial and check out the little poll they have there. When I participated, it told me that 65.8% of respondents had voted for immediate US withdrawal…
US/Iraq: dimensions of the pullback to come
It is now becoming increasingly clear that the US position in Iraq is, quite literally, unwinnable. (This is the case despite the absence of any defintive statement from the US command authorities regarding what it would be that would actually constitute a US “victory” there.) We therefore all need to pay close attention to the implications and the possible modalities of the US defeat that will be unfolding there over the months and years ahead.
One of the first things to bear in mind is that, whereas the US has shown in the past that it is capable of being a (relatively) generous, gracious, and far-sighted winner, these are qualities that it has notably not shown when faced with defeat. In Cuba, in 1961, the invasion that President Kennedy launched at the Bay of Pigs was repulsed by the island’s Cuban defenders– and the US has consistently, through every single change of administration in Washington ever since, continued to try to punish Fidel Castro and the Cuban people for having done that. In Vietnam, in 1975, the nationalist forces were also able– after a long and difficult struggle– to force the last remaining US forces to quit Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City) in a very humiliating form of disorganized scramble. And for 20 years after that, the US continued to try to punish the Vietnamese people for having inflicted that defeat on them…
I am not saying here that the anti-US forces in Iraq will necessarily be able to inflict that same kind of “decisive” defeat on the US forces there– though I wouldn’t rule that out completely. What I am saying is that if the US is forced to withdraw forces from Iraq in some form of disorder, as now seems extremely likely, then we should expect that withdrawal to be accompanied (“covered”) by the US taking some extremely vindictive actions against the country. These would have two aims:
Continue reading “US/Iraq: dimensions of the pullback to come”
A soldier’s-eye view
Great writing from embedded WaPo journo Ann Scott Tyson. (Formerly of the CSM.) She was with a combat unit in Ramadi.
Short excerpt:
- When the platoon medic sees that insurgents have taken out another of her “boys,” she swears, grabs her medic’s bag and walks back to her Humvee, slamming the side of it with her fist. Then she pulls out the gray body bag she has learned to carry at all times, and waits for a vehicle to evacuate Miller’s body.
Hayes and Dermer ride back to camp in their M-113, the roses still tied to the back. They’ve barely cleaned the blood off the vehicle when frustration begins to erupt that afternoon over what seemed to some a flawed, futile mission.
Their faces dusty and streaked with sweat, the soldiers huddle to talk through the incident, raising more questions than answers. Why had the engineers been operating in daylight, when insurgents could easily “template” their position? Why had the infantry left them vulnerable? Why hadn’t they caught the sniper who killed Miller?
“What sucks the most,” says Miller’s platoon leader, Lt. Tom Lafave, of Escanaba, Mich., “is we sweep an area and five hours later an IED goes off in the same spot.”
Miller’s squad leader, Staff Sgt. Steve “Shaggy” Hagedorn, is more blunt. “We spent three days clearing a route and I guarantee it’s worse now than when we started,” he says. “So everyone’s asking, ‘What are we doing it for?’ Everyone’s asking, ‘Am I next?’ ”
Anyway, read the whole thing. It’s great reporting.
But why does the WaPo put it in the (generally more frivolous) “Style” section?
Give the woman a Pulitzer.
Hat-tip to Kebot who sent it to me. Being “down under” I’d missed it.
Good sense from a Republican Senator
Anti-war currents (and anti-Bush currents) are now stirring on a whole new level within Bush’s own party in the Senate. On Monday (US time), US News & World Report published this interview with Nebraska Senator Chuck Hagel.
That USNWR piece by Kevin Whitelaw starts out with this landmark quote from Hagel:
- “Things aren’t getting better; they’re getting worse. The White House is completely disconnected from reality… It’s like they’re just making it up as they go along. The reality is, we’re losing in Iraq.”
Amont the other great quotes there from the Senator:
- “I don’t know where the vice president is getting his information from. It’s not where I’m getting mine from. This administration at the top
‘Our Green Zone correspondent’ on troop levels, unwinnability
John Burns, who is the NYT’s “our man in the Green Zone” of Baghdad, has an important piece in Sunday’s paper that refers clearly to (un-named) US officers there complaining in his hearing that the troop levels at their command are far too low for them to be effective.
The piece also clearly indicates a growing realization among some top US officers that the war in Iraq is unwinnable.
Burns writes that earlier in the past week, the Pentagon had publicly offered a date for a reduction in the current troop levels “even earlier” than the October 1, 2006 date earlier requested by two Republican and two Democratic members of Congress in a letter to Prez Bush. But, Burns notes,
- in recent weeks, American generals here have been telling Congressional visitors that the disappointing performance of many Iraqi combat units has made early departures impractical. They say it will be two years or more before Iraqis can be expected to begin replacing American units as the main guarantors of security.
Commanders concerned for their careers have not thought it prudent to go further, and to say publicly what many say privately: that with recent American troop levels – 139,000 now – they have been forced to play an infernal board game, constantly shuttling combat units from one war zone to another, leaving insurgent buildups unmet in some places while they deal with more urgent problems elsewhere.
… American commanders here have been cautioned by the reality that the Pentagon, in a time of all-volunteer forces and plunging recruiting levels, has few if any extra troops to deploy, and that there are limits to what American public opinion would bear. So the generals have kept quiet about troop levels.
Soldiers in the field, though, have not. Among fighting units in the war’s badlands – in Falluja and Ramadi, in Haditha and Qaim, in Mosul and Tal Afar – complaints about force levels are the talk of officers and enlisted personnel alike.
Burns writes:
Continue reading “‘Our Green Zone correspondent’ on troop levels, unwinnability”
Bush’s Palestinian policy
I’m in New Zealand. More on that later. But meanwhile I just wanted to make note of this very sensible op-ed by Zbigniew Brzezinski and William B. Quandt in Friday’s WaPo.
They note this:
- The statement President Bush delivered at the conclusion of his recent meeting with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas deserves serious attention. It has been much discussed by the Israeli press but drew scant commentary in the U.S. media. The president, in his formal presentation, declared that any final-status agreement between Palestinians and Israelis “must be reached between the two parties, and changes to the 1949 armistice lines must be mutually agreed to.”
Lest there be any misunderstanding, the president said that “Israel should not undertake any activity that contravenes road map obligations or prejudices final-status negotiations with regard to Gaza, the West Bank and Jerusalem. . . . A viable two-state solution must ensure contiguity of the West Bank. And a state of scattered territories will not work. There must also be meaningful linkages between the West Bank and Gaza. This is the position of the United States today. It will be the position of the United States at the time of final-status negotiations.”
Bush’s declaration was a significant and helpful restatement of some long-held American positions. If these principles are actively embedded in Washington’s policies over the months ahead, they could help further the president’s stated goals of resolving the long-running Israeli-Palestinian conflict, promoting democracy in the Middle East and undercutting support for Islamist terrorism…
Quite true. But the fact that Bush’s statement to Abu Mazen has received so little notice in the US press, and no real follow-up in the conduct of US diplomacy, leaves me thinking that maybe the statement was just a diplomatic flash-in-the-pan, designed to appease Abu Mazen very briefly but not really to steer US policy in any tangible way at all.
Of course, I’d love to be proved wrong…
Iranian voters defy Bush
Two days before Iran’s election on Friday, President Bush– that champion of democracy worldwide!– urged the country’s voters to stay home.
62.7 percent of Iranians defied his call, according to this AP story. Voter turnout in Iran was thus considerably higher than in the last US elections.
Bush was quite correct to note that the choices offered to the Iranian voters were significantly constrained by the requirement that, to be eligible to run, a candidate had to be declared fit to do so by the country’s Council of Guardians.
Seven candidates were thus declared fit, and by all accounts most of them ran spirited campaigns. Also, they did represent a significant (though obviously much curtailed) range of different positions and opinions.
Bush struts about the world stage on “democratization” issues as though the electoral system that generated his own presidency were quite perfect as a way of discerning and operationalizing the people’s will. It isn’t. The outrageous campaign-finance system in the US means that in order to be on the presidential ballot there a candidate is required, in effect, to have his candidacy declared valid by the country’s “Council of Big Money”.
In the end, only two or three candidates ever make the cut. In this last election, the differences in approach between Bush and Kerry on most major issues– including the war in Iraq– were razor-thin.
In both elections, I wish the choice offered the voters had been much broader, the rules of participation in the election much more inclusive, and the pre-election campaigning focused much more on the very difficult circumstances facing each country.
But it strikes me that for Bush– “Mr. “Democratization”– to call on the voters in another country to stay home during an election in their country is the height of hypocrisy.
In any event, there is quite some evidence that it backfired. Rafsanjani was, as expected, one of the two front-runners who will go into a run-off election next Friday. But the other one is not a reform candidate (as expected), but rather, Teheran mayor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, described as a pro-regime hardliner.
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Addendum, Monday morning, New Zealand time–
Here is a good piece of reporting on the campaign the US neocons had mounted against the Iranian election in the days before the first round of voting June 18.
Starting with his own lovely daughters?
Oh, don’t you love all those chickenhawks who just love to extol the military lifestyle– but not for their own offspring?
Latest one to join the club is Tom Friedman, writing this in today’s New York Times:
- Maybe it is too late, but before we give up on Iraq, why not actually try to do it right? Double the American boots on the ground and redouble the diplomatic effort…
What a sorry ignoramus, for crying out loud!
Where on earth does he think the US military is going to find the additional 140,000-plus-plus troops it would take to achieve this? The army can’t even plan on sustaining the present level of deployment for more than the next couple of months.
Has he even heard about the recruitment crisis?
Maybe he’ll set the ball rolling to remedy that by frogmarching his own two lovely daughters down to the nearest recruiting office. (There’s another wellknown chickenhawk who could follow that example, too.)
H’mm. Come to think of it, they’ve extended the upper age-limit for active service to the extent that Tom himself could also sign up. Three members of the Friedman family– great!
Now, about the next 139,997 new recruits…
Actually, I’m kinda disappointed. I have disagreed with just about everything my old bud’ Tom has written on Iraq in the past four years. But usually he at least makes logical, well-informed arguments.
But this one?
In a class of his Aoun
I can’t resist writing something quickly about the Lebanese elections. And about the Michel Aoun phenomenon.
I thought I’d lost my capacity to be amazed (and frequently amused) at Lebanese politics many, many years ago… Maybe around 1983 or 1984, when I saw the brutally anti-Palestinian Falangists aligning themselves with Fateh against the Syrians…
Well, the kaleidoscope that is Lebanese politics has been twisted and re-twisted many times since them. With each twist the colored pieces fall into a new, and ever more amazing pattern…
We pick up the tale in late February of this year. Then, in the aftermath of the dastardly killing of Rafiq Hariri, the mainstream media in the US started crowing about the newfound strength and power of what they called the Lebanese “opposition”. Opposition, that is, in relation to Syria’s then-stifling military and political presence in the country.
At that point, Aoun was still in exile, rallying his supporters against Syria’s presence in the homeland he had been chased out of some 15 years earlier.
And many neocons and others close to the Bush administration in Washington were braying about the imminent victory of the Lebanese “opposition”, and the need for both a Syrian withdrawal, and the speedy disarming of Hizbullah…
Okay, since then, the Syrians have left Lebanon, and Aoun has returned. Has this led to the victory of the “opposition” forces– and is Lebanon now that much closer to the disarming of Hizbullah?
No, indeed. For a number of reasons. One is that none of the “parties” in the Lebanese “opposition”– with the possible exception of Aoun’s own Free Patriotic Movement– is really worthy of the name of “party” at all.
Another is that Aoun has suprised everyone on three crucial counts:
- (1) He has said that since the Syrians have now withdrawn, he’s not going to get drawn into continuing any anti-Syrian vendetta