US west coast events in October

If you live in or near Los Angeles, Seattle, San Francisco, or Santa Barbara, then I’m heading your way this month. Most of these events are book discussions, open to the public, about my book Re-engage! America and the World After Bush.
Here’s the schedule. We haven’t put in all the times and details yet. But there is probably enough information here for you to be able to Google the institutions involved– and my name– and find out what you need.
As we get the detailed info, we’ll be posting it on this web-page.
The help of JWN readers and fans in publicizing these events would be much appreciated!

  • Oct. 11: Noon-time book discussion and potluck hosted by the Orange County (CA) Friends Meeting.
  • Oct. 13: Events at Redlands University, Redlands, CA (details t.b.a.)
  • Oct. 14: Noon-time event at Riverside Community College in Riverside, CA
  • Oct. 14: Evening reception and book talk hosted by the Inland Southern California World Affairs Council at the Mission Inn in Riverside, CA.
  • Oct. 15: 11 a.m. book talk at California State University, Long Beach, cohosted by the Center for Peace and Social Justice, the Center for International Education, and the International Studies Department.
  • Oct. 15: 4p.m. book talk at UCLA’s Von Grunebaum Center for Middle East Studies, West Los Angeles, CA.
  • Oct. 16: 12:15 – 1:30 p.m. reading at the Evergreen Library, Evergreen State University,  in Olympia, WA.
  • Oct. 16: 4 p.m. get-together with participants in the GRuB program, Olympia, WA.
  • Oct. 16: 7 p.m. Public discussion and book signing at the University of Puget Sound, near Tacoma, WA.
  • Oct. 17: Speaking to an international affairs class at Univ. of Puget Sound, Tacoma, WA.
  • Oct. 18: 1:00 p.m. Meeting with interfaith peace strategists, Berkeley, CA.
  • Oct. 22: Meeting with international affairs class at Santa Barbara City College, Santa Barbara, CA.
  • Oct. 22: 4-6 p.m. Discussion of recent Middle East events, hosted by the Center for Middle East Studies, UC-Santa Barbara.
  • Oct. 23: Possible event at the Orfalea Center for Global Studies, UC-Santa Barbara.
  • Oct. 25: 8 a.m.- 12:30 p.m. Featured speaker at the UN Day celebration held by the Santa Barbara Coalition for Global Dialogue, Santa Barbara, CA.

Wall St. bailout passes, military budget bulge is next

The House of Representatives passed the Wall Street bailout bill this afternoon. So since the Senate passed it earlier, it will now shortly become enacted into law. (Update: The President signed it and it is now law.)
A $700 billion bailout for Wall Street. Wow. I still don’t know the details of the changes made in the text since Monday, when the House voted against it.
I think $700 billion is ways too much federal funding to be appropriating in such a hurry. It happened because of the fear and pressure inculcated by the blackmail note that Paulson and Bernanke delivered two weeks ago. I have seen proposals that involved smaller amounts being pumped into the financial-sector bailout right now, allowing time for a much deeper reform of the regulatory system and a more far-reaching and better considered plan to support distressed citizens to be crafted over the next few months… I thought those plans looked considerably preferable. But too many congressional leaders are hand-in-glove with the bankers for the community-services people to get much of a look-in.
$700 billion is $2,333 for each woman, man, and child in the country. Add that amount onto our now-over-TEN-TRILLION national debt.
But we should remember that each year, in recent years, Congress has been appropriating just under that same amount of money, in order to keep our bloated military fed, deployed, and fighting.
Bloomberg’s Tony Capaccio reported yesterday that,

    The U.S. military wants an increase of $57 billion in fiscal 2010, about 13.5 percent more than this year’s budget of $514.3 billion, according to the Pentagon’s outgoing comptroller.
    The White House hasn’t approved the request and Pentagon officials will make a strong case for it, Tina Jonas said.
    Some of the increase reflects a determination to include in the base budget some costs that have been funded through emergency legislation, Jonas said in an interview.
    The expense of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan has been funded this way, even as many lawmakers, including Senator John McCain, the Republican presidential nominee, complained these requests include other spending, mask the military’s true cost and complicate their budgeting process.

(HT: Noah Schachtman.)
So that will be a DOD budget request of $571.3 billion for FY2010.
Capaccio writes,

    Defense spending, adjusted for inflation and not counting the cost of the wars, has increased about 43 percent since fiscal 2000. The proposed 2010 increase reverses a plan released in February that projected base budgets to be flat or slightly down.
    “There is an effort under way to see if we can move away from” supplemental spending measures and rely “increasingly on base budgets to fund these conflicts,” Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell said.
    “We are going to be involved in persistent conflict for some time to come; that’s the reality of the world we live in and we need to budget for that,” he said during a press conference Sept. 24.
    The basic defense budget Congress approved for fiscal 2009, which started yesterday, is about $514.3 billion.

This is all crazy. What “persistent conflict” is Morrell talking about? Iraq? Afghanistan? God forbid, Iran?
In Iraq, we need to get all our troops out as fast as it can be done “responsibly”– that is without having them shot at as they leave. There are various plans for how that can be done in a time period of anything between about four months and a year. Obama is still nowhere near calling for total withdrawal. But if, as I hope, one of his first acts is to take the whole question of Iraq back to the Security Council in a very open-ended way, then the multi-party negotiations that ensue there may well result in a plan for a US troop withdrawal that is total and relatively speedy– and more important still, for the establishment of an intra-Iraqi and regional political context within which that can occur in the best way possible.
Regarding Afghanistan, the knowledgeable British Ambassador there has now reportedly told his French counterpart that the war is unwinnable using military means, and support for the US-led military effort continues to dwindle among many NATO “allies”. (E.g. Canada and Australia.)
Regarding Iran: No! No! No! Attacking that country would truly be catastrophic.
The budgetary facts of life– as well as all the other facts of international life today– surely tell us as Americans that it’s time to radically reduce the military footprint we are now carving onto the world.
The Wall Street bailout has, in more than one sense, now “passed.” These mammoth(and oh so destructive) military budgets will come back and bite us again and again each year until our leaders figure out there’s a better way for our country to interact with the rest of the world, and meet the security needs of everyone concerned, including ourselves, if we place serious reliance on means other than military means to do so.
“Persistent conflict” will bring us only “persistent insecurity” and further hemorrhaging of our nation’s wealth.

A “crude” question about gas prices

With Alaska’s governor still proclaiming her dubious energy expertise, I was disappointed that she was not asked to explain the following simple, if “crude” question: With crude oil prices now between a 35 and 40% less than they were back in the summer, why are gasoline prices barely off 10% from their summer peaks?
To be more specific, crude oil futures have fallen from close to $150 a barrel to between $90 and 94 per barrel, while US gasoline prices have dropped on average from just over $4 per gallon to around $3.63. Curiously, spot gasoline is now below $3.00 in Kansas and Oklahoma, while remaining at around $4.00 in Georgia. (the latter ostensibly related to refinery issues)
Naturally, the very Wall Street brokerage firms (Merrill Lynch especially) that had been hyping energy futures to the moon are now either bankrupt or transmogrified into “banks.” The massive speculative money that drove crude prices through the roof is now largely gone, as are the all-too-related, if breathless, warnings that the Israelis were about to emulate Senator McCain and “bomb, bomb, bomb Iran.” Speaking of which, where’s that ING analyst who early last year proclaimed that energy prices were not as tied to the health of western economies as they once were, and that any shock felt by an actual war with Iran would be insignificant?
Most of the remaining oil “analysts” on CNBC are yet again hawking their current trading position — to the downside, of crude oil prices falling further, even below $80 a barrel. As Helena noted previously, AIPAC even lost a rare one in congress last week; — no uniltaral economic blockades for the moment of Iran — adding to the “bearish” overhang on energy prices.
This could be good news for consumers, and (gas-p) for the economy. But gasoline prices remain stubbornly high. And the media doesn’t notice. It’s a political softball waiting for someone to hit.

Veep debate special

I missed the first 25 minutes but saw all the rest. Bottom line: Sarah Palin had evidently been very thoroughly prepped for it, and spoke with much more familiarity about a range of national and international issues than I’ve ever seen her show before. (Though she did make some mistakes, and dodged a few questions.) Lack of self-confidence is not her problem! She has a manner that sometimes seems very attractive, sometimes too gratingly faux-folksy. Including all those dropped ‘g’s, as in “That’s what senator McCain and I are aimin’ to do!”
She also talked a bit about using “nucular” weapons for deterrence, as though “using” them is something quite normal and everyday.
Thinking of her and nuclear weapons made me very scared indeed.
Compared with her Biden looked– I have to say this– old. As old as McCain. And not old-and-distinguished as much as old-and-tired.
To his credit he did not patronize her or try to correct her when, for example, she mis-stated the name of the US commander in Afghanistan. They were both gracious and respectful towards each other.
I thought he did fairly well, but not spectacularly so.
Another very scary thing she said was that she considered that the Constitution would give her some leeway to play an even larger role in “presiding over” the Senate than has traditionally been played.
Think Progress has a good play-by-play here. (It has lots of great links.)

Cellular Surprise for Political Polling?

Even as we enjoy new capabilities for gauging political opinion around the world, a nagging technology development haunts opinion polling here in the USA. The uncertainty suggests room for “surprises” come November.
Americans are increasingly ditching conventional telephones in favor of “cellular” and “internet phone” options. (“skype,” vonage, etc.) 15% or more of the American voting population now uses cellular phones only. The trend away from land lines may be accelerating, now that major telecommunications carriers (like Verizon) permit customers to sign up for DSL (or FiOS) without having a conventional phone line.
Pollster are aware of the potential problems, but most polling has shied away from sampling cellular-only citizens. Why? Practically, it’s considerably more expensive. First, there’s the difficulty of accessing cell phone listings. Second, regulations forbid automated calling of cell numbers. Then too, what does a statistician do with those who keep their old cell phone numbers when they move to new locations? And most disconcerting, how do you convince someone to stay on the line to answer a survey, when that person may be paying 25-50 cents per minute for the call? Answer: — you have to compensate them. (assuming subjects don’t hang-up first!)
How do pollsters rationalize excluding 15% of the population? I gather that received wisdom deems the sampling problem to be theoretical — that is, of no consequence, a “wash.”
Yet we do have new data suggesting otherwise. Consider a recent Pew Research Center for the People & the Press analysis of three Pew presidential surveys that included cellular sampling:

In each of the surveys, there were only small, and not statistically significant, differences between presidential horserace estimates based on the combined interviews and estimates based on the landline surveys only. Yet a virtually identical pattern is seen across all three surveys: In each case, including cell phone interviews resulted in slightly more support for Obama and slightly less for McCain, a consistent difference of two-to-three points in the margin.

I’m not quite squaring the phrase “not statistically significant” with “virtually identical pattern.” Furthermore, the study observes:

in each of the three polls, the cell-only respondents were significantly more supportive of Obama (by 10-to-15 percentage points) than respondents in the landline sample. For example, in the September survey Obama led McCain by a 55%-to-36% margin among cell only voters, but the candidates were tied at 45% in the landline sample.

Pew isolates “age” as the explanation for this considerable difference: “In large part, this reflects the fact that a substantial minority of the cell-only sample is younger than 30 – a demographic group that has consistently backed Obama this year.”
If I were a pollster, I’d be starting to sweat. Some firms apparently are debating “adjustments” to account for the youth/cell factor – the one that supposedly is not yet “statistically significant.” (If any jwn readers can explain that solution in “plain english,” please chime in.)
By way of disclosure, I’m about to cancel my own land-line. I’m the last hold-out in my family. While I too am tired of the daily push-poll calls from this or that candidate (another subject!), my motivation is personal – I’m getting even with Sprint/Embarq for never delivering dsl. If the pollsters want to find me, they’ll have to call my unlisted cell.

America as others see us, Pt. 1: Der Spiegel

This week’s lengthy cover article in Germany’s Der Spiegel is definitely worth reading. Non-German readers can even read it in English there.
By the way, Bernhard of Moon of Alabama shows us the cover here. The title there is “The price of Haughtiness” (or perhaps, Hubris). Inside the mag, the title is “The End of Arrogance: America Loses its Dominant Economic Role.”
The team of staff writers who wrote it start out by noting how irrelevant and old-hat George Bush’s speech at the UN last week seemed to many of the diplomats who heard it:

    He talked about terrorism and terrorist regimes, and about governments that allegedly support terror. He failed to notice that the delegates sitting in front of and below him were shaking their heads, smiling and whispering… The US president gave a speech similar to the ones he gave in 2004 and 2007, mentioning the word “terror” 32 times in 22 minutes… George W. Bush was the only one still talking about terror and not about the topic that currently has the rest of the world’s attention.
    “Absurd, absurd, absurd,” said one German diplomat. A French woman called him “yesterday’s man” over coffee on the East River. There is another way to put it, too: Bush was a laughing stock in the gray corridors of the UN.

The article continues by noting that even Chancellor Angela Merkel, long a very close ally of Bush’s on the world scene, has started to express ill-concealed anger about his misgovernance of the US economy:

    There was no mention of loyalty and friendship last Monday. Merkel stood in the glass-roofed entrance hall of one of the German parliament’s office buildings in Berlin and prepared her audience of roughly 1,000 businesspeople from all across Germany for the foreseeable consequences of the financial crisis. It was a speech filled with concealed accusations and dark warnings.
    Merkel talked about a “distribution of risk at everyone’s expense” and the consequences for the “economic situation in the coming months and possibly even years.” Most of all, she made it clear who she considers the true culprit behind the current plight. “The German government pointed out the problems early on,” said the chancellor, whose proposals to impose tighter international market controls failed repeatedly because of US opposition…
    Merkel had never publicly criticized the United States this harshly and unapologetically.

The writers comment,

    This is no longer the muscular and arrogant United States the world knows, the superpower that sets the rules for everyone else and that considers its way of thinking and doing business to be the only road to success.
    A new America is on display, a country that no longer trusts its old values and its elites even less: the politicians, who failed to see the problems on the horizon, and the economic leaders, who tried to sell a fictitious world of prosperity to Americans.
    Also on display is the end of arrogance. The Americans are now paying the price for their pride.
    Gone are the days when the US could go into debt with abandon, without considering who would end up footing the bill.

The article contains a helpful short appraisal of the way in which the globalization of financial markets in recent years has allowed the swift worldwide spread of the contagion from the financial crisis that originated with the problems of the US’s sub-prime mortgage market:

    The financial assets that economies hold abroad have grown more than sevenfold in the past three decades. By late 2007, the market volume for derivatives, which are used to bet on interest rate, stock and credit risks worldwide, had reached a previously unthinkable level of $596 trillion (€411 trillion).
    At the same time, the number of players has multiplied. The banks stopped being the only ones in control of the industry some time ago. Nowadays, hedge funds bet on falling stock prices and mortgage rates, private equity companies buy up failed banks and bad loans, and wealthy pension funds keep the fund managers afloat.
    The “greater complexity of linkages within and between the financial systems” now has one man worried, a man whose profession ought to provide him with a better idea of what’s going on: Jean-Claude Trichet, president of the European Central Bank. In a recent speech at New York University, Europe’s highest-ranking central banker complained about the “obscurity of and interactions among many financial instruments,” often combined with a “high level of borrowing.”
    The inventors of these complex securities hoped that they could be used to distribute risk more broadly around the globe. But instead of making financial transactions more secure, they achieved the opposite effect, increasing the risks. Today the notion of using “many shoulders for support,” the constant mantra of the gurus of financial alchemy, has proved to be one of the catalysts of the crash.
    American economist Raghuram Rajan, whom ECB President Trichet is frequently quoting these days, had a premonition of the current disaster three years ago. The total integration of the markets “exposes the system to large systemic shocks,” Rajan wrote then in a study. Although the economy had survived many crises before, like the bursting of the Internet bubble, “this should not lead us to be too optimistic.” “Can we be confident that the shocks were large enough and in the right places to fully test the system?” Rajan asked. “A shock to equity markets, though large,” he continued, “may have less effect than a shock to credit markets.”
    There was certainly no shortage of warnings, and there were many voices of caution…
    New York economist Nouriel Roubini presented the most accurate scenario of a crash, from the bursting of the real estate bubble to the domino-like demise of major banks. Roubini, known as a notorious alarmist, now predicts a prolonged recession in the United States that will drag down the entire global economy with it. “The US consumer has consumed himself to death,” says Roubini.
    Paul Samuelson, the doyen of the world’s economists, predicted this bitter outcome three years ago. “America’s position is under pressure because we have become a society that hardly saves,” Samuelson, 90 at the time, said in an interview with SPIEGEL. “We don’t think of others or of tomorrow.”
    And now the global conflagration is a reality, triggered by cleverly packaged US subprime mortgages sold around the world…

The writers quote Bernd Pfaffenbach, Merkel’s chief negotiator on foreign trade issues, as saying that now the relative conservatism that Germans have shown in financial matters is now paying off:

    “One can see that we are on a more solid base,” says Pfaffenbach, who refers to the crisis as a “purifying storm.”
    Pfaffenbach isn’t the only one to see the problem in this light. The American bank crash has prompted economists and politicians worldwide to prepare for the end of an era of turbo-capitalism driven by the financial markets.
    The financial industry — especially in the United States — will shrink considerably, while the significance of the real economy will increase. Once again, the government will have to base its supervisory function on the old banker’s principle: security first.

They conclude that a “new chapter in economic history has begun,”

    one in which the United States will no longer play its former dominant role. A process of redistributing money and power around the world — away from America and toward the resource-rich countries and rising industrialized nations in Asia — has been underway for years. The financial crisis will only accelerate the process.
    The wealthy state-owned funds of China, Singapore, Dubai and Kuwait control assets of almost $4 trillion (€2.76 trillion), and they are now in a position to buy their way onto Wall Street in a big way.
    But they have remained reserved until now, partly as a result of poor experiences in the past. The China Investment Corp., for example, invested in the initial public offering of the Blackstone Group, a private equity firm, and invested $5 billion (€3.45 billion) in Morgan Stanley. In both cases, it lost a lot of money.
    But time is on the side of the Chinese…
    Both in Asia and the United States, expressing schadenfreude over the decline of the United States as a superpower is out of place. The risk is too great that if America goes into a tailspin, it will drag the rest of the world down with it.

It is true that we are in a period of unprecedented interdependence among all the world’s major power centers. This inter-dependence means that, as I have long argued, if the crisis is well handled by the leaders of the major powers we have a fair chance that the transition from a US-dominated world to a more multipolar system can be effected without major strife or bloodshed.
That will take a good measure of realism, humility, patience, and vision from all the leaders concerned, inside and outside the US. Leaders and publics, both, I would rather say.
But here’s the thing. We are now at a seminal point in world history where (a) There is actually quite enough capacity to produce enough material stuff to give everyone on earth the prerequisites of a decent life; (b) Most people understand the counter-productive and destructive nature of war; and (c) In the United Nations we have a system of rules and norms for international engagement that, though far from perfect, is still far, far better to have than not to have, and that can certainly be further reformed.
So we can do this. Yes, we can. Provided we bear in mind two of the strongest norms in the UN system: the strong norm against addressing disagreements through warfare, and the equally strong norm that stresses the equality of all human persons.

Olmert’s late-term epiphany on Iran and Palestine

It was not quite Saul the tax-collector on the road to Damascus but it was almost like that. Ehud Olmert, still nominally in office as Israel’s PM but leaving very soon, told Yediot Aharonot that:

    1. Israel would have to leave all or nearly all the occupied territories to win a peace agreement with the Palestinians, and would have to give territorial compensation on a one-for-one basis for any land it kept.
    2. The withdrawal would also have to include just about all of East Jerusalem, though with “special solutions” for the holy sites; and
    3. Israeli threats to attack Iran represent “megalomania” and a loss of “sense of proportion” about its own power.

These positions all sound like ideological bombshells, especially for someone who grew up and spent most of his life in rightwing nationalist parties.
In Haaretz today, Aluf Benn dismisses Olmert’s statement as “too little, too late.” Personally, I don’t think it’s too little. I think on every point he showed real insight and courage. (Except perhaps when he said Syria would have to cut all its ties to Iran, Hamas, and Hizbullah as part of a peace agreement.)
But to say the things he said about Israel’s “megalomania” regarding its own powers and its ability to deal with the Iranian challenge alone? That was even more significant than what he said about the peace process with the Palestinians.
Here in the US, there are numerous people in the Jewish community who are doveish on the peace process but very hawkish on Iran. I wish they could say things about Israel and Iran similar to what Olmert said.
Benn was quite right in noting that, if Olmert sincerely holds the beliefs that he now– right at the end of a 30-month term as PM– espouses, and if he has held them for a whole now (which is a reasonable assumption)… then why did he take so many decisions and actions while he was in power that undermined the policies he now espouses?
Especially regarding the implantation of additional tens of thousands of new Israeli settlers into the West Bank.
Benn writes:

    Sharon … was the only leader willing to stand up to the settlers and evacuate them from their homes. Actions, not words. Olmert is a hero in a newspaper interview, but in reality has been a marionette of the settlers just like the leaders who preceded him.

By the way, Benn notes– as the NYT account linked to above does not– that in the interview Olmert also strongly opposed a new IDF incursion into Gaza.
… Anyway, it is now ways too late for Olmert to have any hope of implementing the kind of policy toward the Palestinians that he describes in the interview. His successor has already been chosen: Tzipi Livni. And Israel is in an inter-regnum period that may last some months as she works to assemble her new governing coalition.
But during the inter-regnum, Olmert does remain in power. It is significantly reassuring to me that for the few months ahead the reins of power in Israel are held by someone who looks prepared to withstand the kinds of pressures that others might put on him, to launch an Israeli military strike against Iran.
But as Aluf Benn says, it’s actions not words that count. So let’s hope that Olmert sticks to– and continues to argue in public for– the policy of restraint toward Iran that his recent words represented.

Not reassured

… by Bush’s little address this morning. As I wrote last night, he still doesn’t seem remotely as if he has a handle on the broad social, political, economic, and geostrategic issues involved in dealing with the current crisis.
We need a clear alternative view of how the country should proceed. No more pandering to big bankers! Yes to the kinds of policies I was addressing in last night’s post.
I hope Obama gets on the airwaves and starts describing a vision something like this in simple and compelling terms. Otherwise, what with all the fear that the crisis (and Paulson and McCain) have generated throughout the country, we could have an upsurge of narrow jingoism and mean-spiritedness in the coming weeks.
By the way, go to this new blog “5 reasons why I’m voting for Obama-Biden”, to see my five reasons.

Bush, economic crisis, and war

Steve Clemons tells us that Bush will make a public pronouncement about the financial crisis at 7:45 a.m. EST Tuesday. This is not a reassuring prospect. When he made his last such pronouncement, it was decidedly not reassuring.
My strong guess is that Bush doesn’t actually know enough about the way financial markets and the rest of the economy works to be able to have an opinion on what ought to be done, and that he’s subcontracted the entire handling of the current crisis to Treasury Secretary Paulson. Just as he subcontracted the handling of the nation’s security affairs for many years to Dick Cheney. But now Paulson’s bailout plan is in deep political trouble. It needs presidential leadership. But how can the president decide what’s the best thing to do if he doesn’t even understand the basics of how the financial system works? How can he judge the technical aspects– or the political aspects– of Paulson’s proposal? Who else does he talk with or listen to about these matters?
For a while now, the country’s sometimes deadly serious jester-in-chief, Jon Stewart, has been gently mocking Bush’s lame-duck status by referring to him as “Still-President Bush.” But I think Jon has it wrong. It seems to me that Bush has barely been a participant at all in all the negotiations and deliberations over the response to Wall Street’s crisis. Last Wednesday, he seemed completely out of it. I wrote the next morning, “His face was puffy, his hair a little bushy and ill-kempt, his expression that of a scared rabbit, his affect wooden… ”
Paulson, Bernanke, and the Democratic leadership in Congress have been doing all the heavy lifting on trying to fashion and win support for the bailout. The politics of this have been bizarre in the extreme– until you remember what generous donations the big financial houses have all been making over the years to the Dems’ political campaigns, as well as the GOP’s. There was also, of course, McCain’s completely over-dramatized and unhelpful attempt to inject campaign politics into the whole decision-making process…
We should be clear that the gargantuan amounts of money the country has poured into waging the two wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have been a big motor for the current crisis. Firstly, in themselves. Chalmers Johnson helpfully reminded us today that last week, the Congress passed by a huge majority a “$612 billion defense authorization bill for 2009 without a murmur of public protest or any meaningful press comment at all.” He notes that though “only” $68.6 billion of this is expressly to fight the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the year’s-end price tabs for those two wars will be much higher, as the administration continues its practice of winning huge “supplemental” appropriations for them during the course of the year.
These defense expenses are, of course, ones that recur annually… So each year it’s like the equivalent of passing an entire Wall Street bailout plan.
Johnson describes the whole defense budget as “pure waste.” I would say there are some portions of it that serve a useful purpose. But there are other, even greater portions that are either just useless or even actively counter-productive. For example, the stepped-up military actions in Afghanistan over the past year has been accompanied by a greater collapse of security there, the resurgence of the Taleban, and an apparently great increase in the number of Afghans who have been deeply angered by actions like the aerial bombardment of people accused– often with little or no evidence– of being “terrorists.”
Also, the way Bush sought to fight these wars, from the very beginning, was in a way that imposed no immediate financial burden on the US citizenry. Every previous war the US has fought has been funded mainly through increased taxation. But Bush and Cheney didn’t want to do that. They wanted US citizens to keep as much of their money as possible so they could continue spending, spending, spending– and perhaps so they’d never even really notice that two wars were being fought in their (our) name in two distant countries.
So these wars have been financed purely through borrowing. Hence the national debt, which was on its way to being erased at the end of the Clinton presidency, is now headed up toward $10 trillion. You better believe that these two war-linked phenomena of the government being badly indebted (including to a number of foreign creditors) and the US public having been encouraged to go out and spend, spend, spend have both contributed mightily to the current financial crisis.
Bush’s extremely ambitious project to remake the whole world (or important parts of it) in America’s image has proved to be an expensive and damaging fiasco. It was a project that was prefigured in the earlier writings of the neocons who determined so much of his foreign policy for him. Their big project was for a “New American Century.” However, in a twist of history, the very success the neocons had in storming the citadels of power and seizing important portions of the reins of government into their own hands led to the waging of these two wars and other acts of unilateralist arrogance around the world…that ended up ensuring that the “New American Century” would end 93 years early.
Personally, I strongly doubt that a whole new “American century” was ever possible… At some point over the decades ahead, the US would almost certainly, neocons or no neocons, have lost the pre-eminent “Uber-power” role it has played in global affairs since 1945. But the raw graspiness and arrogance that the neocons showed on the world stage certainly hastened the end of the NAC.
So now, as I started writing a bit last week, we need to Re-imagine a future for America that is very different from the triumphalist kind of place the neocons imagined and tried to bring into being.
I see Steve Clemons has started doing a bit of this re-imagining, too. He blogged today that, “America will have no choice but to add to its cumulative debt — and to invest in itself, particularly national infrastructure — as a way to keep Americans working and to stimulate important parts of the near and long term real economy.” …Which was just about exactly what I was writing last week, too.
A more modest, down-to-earth, and caring America– and one with much better physical and social infrastructure than we have here today. Now that is a project worth working for.
And along the way, we need to shed some of the very bad habits we’ve picked up over past decades. Habits like these:

    1. Maintaining a truly enormous military, in no way proportional to our real weight in world affairs, and using it in a usually fruitless quest to control and dictate to distant others.
    2. Subverting the idea of a “level playing field” in global trade by giving $250 billion annually in subsidies to US agricultural producers, primarily those associated with Big Ag.
    3. Allowing a quite anti-democratic perversion of public life by allowing money to play a massive role in politics. REal campaign funding limits– opr the public funding of political campaigns– need to be enacted now. Otherwise actors like Big Ag, the military-industrial complex, and the truly Frankensteinian “financial services sector” will all simply continue buying legislators and hog-tieing the country’s democratic processes in that way.

Goode ‘smearing’ Perriello

Virgil Goode, the hard-right GOP candidate in my own district’s congressional race has come out with a television ad that literally tries to “smear” Democratic candidate Tom Perriello as being dark-complected and wearing a bushy full beard. (HT Satyam at Think Progress.)
What kind of deep-held, atavistic fears of “the negro men rising up against the whites” is Goode playing to here?
Tom Perriello as Nat Turner, anyone?
Turner was a deeply religious (Christian, Baptist) man who organized a violent uprising of Virginia’s enslaved negroes in 1831. Even earlier than that, though, white Virginia slaveowner Thomas Jefferson penned numerous warnings about the possibility of the enslaved people– who in many parts of the state decisively outnumbered the whites– rising up against their “masters.” Those fears of the autonomous, untrammelled activity of Americans of African origin may have sprung in some part from the slaveowners’ guilt. But they still run deep in the psyches of some white southerners today.
For what it’s worth, Tom Perrillo is a light-skinned man of Italian heritage.
Virgil Goode should be ashamed of himself.
(But does this mean he’s running a bit scared of losing what until recently looked like a fairly safe seat?)