… is here, and also archived here.
It deals primarily with Huckabee but also with other important US pols who went on partisanly sponsored junkets to Israel and the OPTs in recent weeks (Cantor, Hoyer, etc.)
I had some quotes in the piece from the J. Post’s Herb Keinon. He had an excellent piece of reporting in Thursday’s paper. It seems like he had accompanied Huckabee on some of his trips around various (completely illegal) Jewish settlements– including ones in occupied E. Jerusalem and one “unauthorized” settlement outpost.
He’s clearly making a bid for Evangelical grassroots support in the US and assuming that evangelicals are overwhelmingly pro-settler.
Herb Keinon is worth reading. It seems that he (in the form of the un-named “Israeli journalist” he refers to) couldn’t believe that an ultra-rightist like Huckabee might actually be someone with some influence/following in US politics…
Also definitely worth reading on Huckabee are Spencer Ackerman and Matt Duss (1 and 2.)
Category: Israel-2009
‘Rumors’ of settlement freeze just that
Steve Clemons blogged this morning that,
- Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may be using his skills as a crafty political executive to sidestep some of his more bureaucratic and recalcitrant allies in cooking up a deal with George Mitchell and Barack Obama on settlements.
Not so fast, Steve.
Richard Silverstein has an excellent commentary on the latest spate of rumors about some kind of a Mitchell-Netanyahu deal on settlements.
He quotes an Israeli friend as noting that the word used in Hebrew to describe what the Israeli government is contemplating is hamtana, meaning “waiting”– or, as Richard comments, maybe more like “the pause that refreshes.”
Israeli Housing Minister Ariel Attias (Shas) is reported as saying “There is no freeze”– but there is some hamtana.
For its part, the PLO’s Negotiations Affairs Department has said that,
- the terms so far made public fail to comply with Israel’s obligation to implement a comprehensive and immediate freeze on all settlement activities as stipulated in the 2001 Mitchell Report and the 2003 Road Map.
The PLO-NAD also points to a report in the Israeli business press as saying that,
- the Israeli department of government properties is expected to invite tenders for a bid to build 450 residential units in Pisgat Ze’ev, a neighborhood on the Palestinian side of the 1967 borders in internationally recognized East Jerusalem.
The magazine’s Wednesday edition said the department was relaxing some of its earlier requirements for bid so the project can get going in the next six months.
So altogether, it looks as though the settlement freeze is (a) not going into operation in any meaningful way, but is (b) being “played with” by Netanyahu in his interactions with the Americans, just as Efraim Inbar predicted would happen…
More on Bil’in, Dov Khenin, etc
- [Editorial note: I received today the following commentary from Israeli leftist Yonatan Preminger on the recent JWN post on Dov Khenin/Chainin, Bil’in, etc; and I’m publishing it here with his permission. You can read some more of Yonatan’s work here. Thanks, Yonatan! ~HC]
From Yonatan Preminger:
As you note on your blog, MK Dov Chenin was indeed “gassed” by the IDF, as were all the demonstrators who had turned out in force to protest the nighttime arrests of Bil’in village residents during the preceding week. The army also fired tear gas canisters at children who had – as children will – run over the hill on their own and were throwing stones. And finally, when we departed, the army thought nothing of sending a few more volleys of gas canisters in our direction, to ram the message home as it were…
You are probably aware that Bil’in residents, together with Israeli activists, have been protesting the route of the so-called “security” fence every week for four years. Two years ago, the Israeli high court ruled that the route had to be changed, but nothing has changed on the ground. And last April a veteran protester from Bil’in, founder of the Popular Committee dedicated to organizing the protest, was killed when the IDF shot a gas canister directly into the crowd. All the demonstrations have been non-violent. This is a basic principle of the Bil’in protests.
However, I would like to add a few words about Chenin. He did not run for the [Tel Aviv] municipal elections as leader of Hadash, but as leader of a new list known as “Ir l’Kulanu” (“a city for all of us”). In its founding meeting, at which I was present, the “party” claimed to be somehow apolitical. Ideology – including socialism, heaven forbid – was notably absent. So were the Arabs.
The Arabs, in this case mostly from Jaffa which was appended to Tel Aviv, were given their own Hadash-backed list. I am certain that the vast majority of Jews who voted Ir l’Kulanu would not have voted for a “Jewish-Arab” party. Chenin knew this. The strategic choice was to split Hadash along national and nationalist lines, and Ir l’Kulanu was the result.
Chenin is a brave MK, one of the few who are ready to take to the barricades. Unfortunately, he heads a party that has not only lost its socialist and communist roots, but says one thing in Arabic and another in Hebrew. The phenomenon of Ir l’Kulanu reflects the bubble known as Tel Aviv, a bubble located far from the front which sparks up every few years, far from the murky occupation, and far from the Arabs – including Israel’s Palestinian citizens. This bubble claims to be liberal and open-minded, but Israel’s insular nationalism is as deeply rooted here as on the hilltops in the occupied territories.
Thank you for your Counterpunch article quoting Dov Yermiya. His letter received too little notice, unfortunately. I hope it appears elsewhere.
Jewish-Israeli Knesset member gassed– by IOF
The leftist MK Dov Khenin took part in Bil’in’s weekly anti-Wall demonstration yesterday, and along with all the other protesters– Palestinians, Israelis, and internationals– he was subjected to the truly vile tear gas the IOF troops there use, as well as to the rubber-coated metal bullets and sound-bombs that the IOF uses.
When I was in Jerusalem last March, Daphna Golan noted that when Khenin ran in Tel Aviv’s mayoral election last November, he won one-third of the vote, and his Hadash (communist) party won more seats in february’s Knesset elections than the veteran pro-peace party Meretz. Khenin really does seem like an exemplary Israeli activist for human equality and justice.
Sweatshops: The ‘fruit’ of Arab-Israeli peace ‘processing’
There are many different ways of using economic integration to tie countries together after recent wars. The “European Coal and Steel Community” pioneered between France and Germany after 1945 was one of the most successful…
The ECSC– which laid the basis for today’s thriving European Union– was built on a strong basis of equality between its two founding countries, and on a notable spirit of generosity by the French who decided, after 1945, not to repeat the mistakes made by the victorious Allies after the First World War, when they decided that, as “victors”, they would rub the German people’s noses into the ground for as long as they could. (We know what that led to.)
And then, a very different example from the ECSC, there is this: “Human Trafficking, Abuse, Forced Overtime, Primitive Dorm Conditions, Imprisonment and Forcible Deportations of Foreign Guest Workers At the Musa Factory in Jordan”– as described in great and painful detail in that report from the Pittsburgh, US-based National Labor Committee.
But what nobody who has written about this horrendous sweatshop has yet drawn attention to, is that “Musa Textiles”, located in Al Hassan Industrial City in the northern Jordanian city of Irbid is one of the important economic “fruits” of the 1994 Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty.
Al-Hassan Industrial City is one of three “Qualified Industrial Zones” in Jordan. QIZ’s are given that designation by the US government. That website from the Israeli Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labour tells us that,
- In 1996, U.S Congress authorized designation of qualifying industrial zones (QIZ’s) between Israel and Jordan, and Israel and Egypt. The QIZ’s allow Egypt and Jordan to export products to the United States duty-free if the products contain inputs from Israel (8% in the Israeli-Jordanians QIZ agreement, 11.7% in the Israeli-Egyptian QIZ agreement). The purpose of this trade initiative has been to support the prosperity and stability in the Middle East by encouraging regional economic integration…
“Integration” of a certain sort, that is. “Integration” that keeps the businesses that operate out of the QIZ’s in the Arab countries firmly under Israel’s economic heel.
The website tells us this:
- On March 6th, 1998, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) designated Jordan’s Al-Hassan Industrial Estate in the northern city of Irbid as the world’s first QIZ.
It also tells us that the Al-Hassan Industrial Estate is “owned and operated by the Jordan Industrial Estate Corporation.”
So here’s how this “integration” works– as revealed in the NLC report, and these recent articles in Haaretz (1, 2):
The NLC report says that “Mr. Musa”, the owner, is an Israeli. But Haaretz’s Dana Weiler-Polak tells us,
- the real owners are Jack Braun and Moshe Cohen from Tel Aviv… The two employ 132 people from Bangladesh, 49 from India and 27 Jordanians. Chinese, Sri Lankans and Nepalese have also worked there in the past.
Jordan has a chronic unemployment problem, and fwiw, a large proportion of its population is made up of Palestinian refugees (who generally have Jordanian citizenship.) Estimates of the country’s unemployment rate range from 13.5% through 30%.
Can somebody tell me how employing just 27 Jordanians out of Musa Garments’ workforce of 208 “support[s] prosperity and stability in the Middle East by encouraging regional economic integration”?
Oh, I don’t doubt there are a few Jordanians who manage the “Al-Hassan Industrial Park” or who do some jobs around the factories in it, and who get a little bit of benefit from the enterprise.
But at the heart of “Musa Garments” are two Israeli clothing manufacturers who ruthlessly exploit very vulnerable migrant workers from very low-income third countries to make clothes for leading Israeli “labels.”
The NLC report contains very serious allegations against not only the line managers in the factory– who threatened to “cut off the penises” of some balky workers– but also against the Jordanian authorities. After an apparent riot by the migrant workers inside the factory in June, the managers locked them out of the factory. Of course, most of these men and women in these jobs are deeply dependent on them, having often gone into great debt in their home communities to be able to “afford” the airfare that brought them to Jordan. (The managers, not surprisingly, kept– and apparently still to this day keep– their passports.)
Then, this:
- On Sunday, June 21, a delegation of Musa workers walked 3 ½ hours to appeal to the Labor Court. There was not much of a discussion, but the workers were told that if they did not return to work within 48 hours, they would be fined 50 JD ($70.52 U.S.)—about two weeks’ wages—for the first day and 5 JD ($7.05 U.S., more than they earned in a day) for each day after that.
On June 24, the workers met with an official from the Bangladeshi Embassy, Mr. Shakil, and a local representative of the Ministry of Labor office at Al Hassan. According to the workers, the Ministry of Labor official behaved very rudely, shouting at the workers that “if you don’t listen to us, we will call the police and have you all arrested.” He also threatened that food would be cut off if they did not return to work. (If fact, it appears that all food was cut off on Saturday, June 20.) The Bangladesh Embassy official essentially explained that he had no power to help.
On July 2, the general manager, Mr. Riad, met very briefly with the workers, telling them they must either return to work or “I’ll call the police and stop the food.” (Though the food had already been stopped.) Mr. Shakil, the Bangladesh Embassy official, was again present. The workers wanted to return to the factory but asked the Embassy official for help. They would return to the factory, but they wanted their passports back and a guarantee that they would not be beaten by the police. The desperate workers kept pleading with the Embassy official, begging : “You are a Bangladeshi official. Please, you must help us. We have nowhere else to turn to.” Mr. Shakil responded as he had in the past, saying, “I have no power and there is nothing I can do here.” The workers begged him again to arrange an agreement so they could enter the factory to work. When the workers, who had gathered around the Embassy official’s car, continued to plead for help, Mr. Shakil called the police. The workers had peacefully blocked his car for 30 to 40 minutes.
The police arrived and beat five workers, including women, who were visibly bruised and bleeding. At that point, to protect their co-workers, some workers did throw stones at the police, who were beating the women.
On July 5, as the workers put it, “We surrendered to the boss.” They knew they would never receive justice. So, in desperation, they agreed to whatever the owner said. They would pay the fine of over 200 JD ($282) if they had to.
On July 6, Musa supervisors came to the dorm and picked out about half the workers, asking that they return to the factory immediately. The other half were told they would return to work the following day, July 7.
Instead, around 2:00 p.m. on July 6, about 50 police charged the dormitory and took 24 workers—10 men and 14 women, to prison. The men were taken out in handcuffs. Several of the women were not allowed to fully clothe themselves before being dragged out, which for them was a great humiliation.
Of the 24 workers taken to the police station, 18 were freed. But six workers were imprisoned from July 6 to July 15, when they were forcibly deported without any of their personal belongings.
Two of the six workers, both women, were beaten in prison. One was slapped, and the other kicked when they asked why they were being arrested. Conditions in the prison were very poor. The workers had no mattresses, no pillows, little food, and unsafe drinking water. They only got by because the husband of one of the imprisoned women brought her food every day, which she shared with the other workers.
In another bizarre police action, the imprisoned workers were told to give the names of their closest friends to the police, supposedly so they could retrieve their personal belongings. But when the six workers, including one supervisor, showed up at the police station at 5:00 p.m., they too were arrested. To date, no one knows where these six workers are being held.
According to the Ministry of Labor report, “…the six workers in question were detained for repatriation by order of the Ministry of Interior on request of the governor by letter of June 30. The reasons for the detention relate to their involvement in activities contravening public security and are not related to their possible involvement in the strike.”
The six imprisoned and forcibly deported workers—three men and three women—had all worked in Jordan for up to five years without a single incident or complaint against them…
The NLC report also tells us that the very bad conditions in the factory have led most Jordanians to avoid taking jobs there, leaving the jobs to be filled only by the very vulnerable South Asians.
In today’s Haaretz, Avirama Golan tells us that yesterday, in Tel Aviv,
- many decent people… demonstrated in front of chain stores Jump, Irit, Bonita and Pashut at Tel Aviv’s Azrieli Mall. The demonstrators protested the horrifying exploitation of factory workers by the company Musa Garments, as detailed in the NLC report. They promised a consumer boycott.
Unfortunately, their boycott will not sting the owners’ profits. Nonetheless, these people represent the spearhead of the few Israelis fighting for human rights. Most of them are certain to have demonstrated against the expulsion of migrant workers’ children [from Israel itself].
Golan asks rhetorically,
- What is the connection between [the mgrant workers inside Israel] and the Bangladeshis, Indians, Chinese and Nepalese who sleep on dilapidated beds, eat barely cooked chicken still dripping with blood and work themselves to the point of exhaustion after having their passports confiscated and their self-respect and civil rights trampled in the Musa Garments factory in Irbid, whose real operators are Israeli? There is an obvious link that could be called “the backyard.”
The people exposed in Irbid are not some of globalization’s bad seeds. Rather, they provide a peek into the Israeli economy’s backyard. Unlike other economies, the Israeli economy does not need to look far to manufacture its consumer goods and brand names. Until recently, it had no need to import slaves. For nearly 40 years, the glorious Israeli economy relied on the very near backyard – the occupied territories.
When cheap labor is so readily available, when it arrives in the morning and disappears in the evening, it’s very easy to deny the human existence of those who build homes, clean streets and apartments, wash dishes in restaurants and tend gardens. This ease was made even easier thanks to the settler-like hierarchical mind-set that views the Palestinians as the lowest level of human existence. This attitude trickled down quickly and conveniently into people’s consciousness within the Green Line. Thus, it is so easy for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to sell his false vision of “economic peace” in Ramallah. The removal of migrant workers from the center of the country under the so-called Gedera-Hadera plan is the other side of the coin.
The moment things no longer went as planned in the backyard and Israeli entrepreneurs, contractors and farmers lost out to the cheaper global market, people here began searching for a new backyard, and they found it in two places.
The entrepreneurs found Jordan, and the farmers and contractors found the “legal” migrant workers who are rendered slaves in hiding. But now it seems that Jordan is not cheap enough, so a new arrangement has been conceived, one seen in Musa Garments – a backyard within a backyard.
Yes, it is important to demonstrate against them. It is also important to boycott their products. But it is more important to understand the real hidden danger in their activities. With the same ease with which settler-like values have trickled across the Green Line, values of slave exploitation are now trickling in…
Golan is right to note all these connections. But I wish that s/he had also pointed out that the whole basis on which “Musa Garments” and the “Al-Hassan Industrial Park” were built was on the completely mendacious promise of mutually fruitful economic “cooperation” between Israel and its Arab neighbors.
And now, of course, we have Netanyahu claiming that what he aims at is an “economic peace” with the Palestinians…
Agha, Malley, and some other ideas
Hussein Agha and Rob Malley have continued the slightly bizarre “madcap chase” around the arena of Israeli-Arab peacemaking that they launched with this recent essay in the NYRB, by publishing an op-ed in today’s NYT that is titled, quite misleadingly, The Two-State Solution Doesn’t Solve Anything.
Headline writers can be so obtuse…
A decent read of the Agha-Malley piece reveals that their argument really boils down to explaining why The Two-State Solution Doesn’t (immediately) Solve Everything.
Which of course is a pretty banal conclusion to come to. Far less sexy for a headline writer to trumpet.
Basically, the guys are writing that, though he gives grudging support to the idea of some highly constrained form of Palestinian “state”, what Israeli PM Netanyahu really wants from the Arabs is their recognition of Israel as Jewish state… while on the Palestinian side, though Hamas now proclaims its support for the two-state outcome, they also seek the return to their original homes inside present-day Israel of all those expelled from them during the fighting of 1948, and their descendants…
And that each of these respective positions– which we can describe as “1948-related issues”– commands large support within the two competing nations.
So what else is new?
Honestly, I find their arguments quite banal. Everyone always knew that you can’t resolve the issues of 1967 without also finding a workable resolution to the issues of 1948. (Though that attempt was made in such go-nowhere projects as Taba, the Geneva Initiative, etc.)
Here’s the good news: the issues of 1948 are, actually, far from intractable.
Let’s take them one at a time.
Israel as a Jewish state? Hullo! With a name like “the State of Israel”, does anyone expect it to be made up of Finlanders?
In the 1947 Partition Plan, which is the joint birth certificate that both Israel and the future Palestinian state have in international law, it was determined that there should be established a Jewish State and an Arab State in Palestine.
No biggie!
Of course, the rubber does hit the road when you ask “What does it mean for Israel to be a ‘Jewish’ state?” Does this mean a state guided by Jewish values– and if so, which set of Jewish values?
Does it mean that Israel should continue on the path it’s been on for 61 years now, and position itself as “the state of the Jewish people everywhere”– regardless of the fact that this positioning has always involved the systematic imposition of discrimination against that 20% of Israeli citizens who are not Jewish, but rather, ethnic-Palestinian indigenes?
Or would we hope that Israel is a state that can be both Jewish (in the sense of, informed by the best in Jewish values; and, a continuing haven for the Hebrew language…)– as well as democratic?
Clearly, that’s something that all the state’s citizens need to figure out among themselves. But outsiders who claim to uphold democratic values should certainly not support the continuation of those provisions of Israeli law that systematically discriminate against non-Jews.
But for outsiders to “recognize” Israel as a Jewish state– or even to be to required to do so? I don’t see it as a big problem. Actually, I think the whole question is a real diversion. After all, when all the scores of governments around the world that have recognized the State of Israel in the past took that step, none of them was “required” to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.
Big diversion.
And then, the issue of outcomes for that large number– probably a majority– of Palestinians who happen to be refugees from the land that became Israel in 1948, or their descendants… Why should this be thought of as an intractable problem?
Clearly, these people need a way to have their national, political, and individual property rights all sufficiently respected. Does that mean– as Hamas head Khaled Meshaal told me in June– that all Palestinian refugees should be allowed to return to the exact village or town from which they or their forebears fled in 1948?
Not necessarily…. As in, not necessarily to live there forever. Indeed, my friend Nadim Shehadi came up with a great concept in this recent paper he did for London’s Chatham House: “the right of return– for lunch.”
Nadim noted something that, after 61 years of separation between Israel and most of its neighbors, too often gets forgotten. That is, the very small distances between all these places we’re talking about.
In the context of peace, and of the significant upgrading of regional transportation infrastructure that immediately becomes possible (or indeed, necessary) traveling from refugee camps in Beirut or Damascus to ancestral homes in the Galilee would only take an hour or two.
Palestinian families that have been forcibly split apart from each other for 2.5 generations can finally meet and hug each other in real life, just as they have already started to do in various internet forums over recent years.
Palestinian refugees from Gaza can travel to ancestral homes in southern Israel that they haven’t seen for many years now; they can visit the family graves; rehab some of the long-destroyed mosques; have picnics beside streams that the elders remember only from their distant childhood.
Palestinians from everywhere, who have kept a deep longing for the holy places of Jerusalem and Bethlehem in their hearts, can go and visit those holy places.
In the context of peace, what is so wrong with this picture?
I’m assuming that the property-compensation issues and the having-a-stable-citizenship issues will all have been satisfactorily resolved for the refugees in the context of the final peace settlement. And a number (to be negotiated) of the refugees will likely have been allowed to return to their ancestral homes to reside– either as citizens of the Palestinian state, or as law-abiding citizens of Israel; but anyway in full respect of Israeli law.
But if, as a result of the peace, the whole region becomes knitted back together with transportation webs similar to those its had under the Ottomans or the British, then Israelis, Palestinians, and other Arabs will all be able to move around the region in a way that most people haven’t even thought possible for many decades now.
In the context of a fair peace, Jewish Israelis and Palestinian Israelis will be welcome to travel along the new highways and high-speed rail lines to Cairo, or Damascus– or Turkey, or Libya, or points beyond. Why not?
And even Jerusalem can become transformed from being a point of hatred, fear, and contention, into a center for world cultures and a truly global multi-culturalism.
Here’s another important point to remember: For Jewish Israelis– or for the adherents of any particular faith– to have assured access for pilgrims to places of deep religious significance doesn’t mean that the members of this religion have to control these places completely.
Rights of pilgrim-access don’t entail any right to reside or control.
You could call it the right to do a pilgrimage and have lunch. Whether we’re talking Jerusalem, Hebron, or anywhere else. Doesn’t that sound like a fair deal?
… Anyway, I’m thinking out loud here a bit. The main point of this thinking is to show that, though certainly the “issues from 1948” will need to be addressed even if there is a two-state outcome between Israelis and Palestinians, these issues are not, in fact, as completely intractable as many people have come to assume.
Palestinian Israelis: Equality quest continues
Some 20% of Israel’s citizens are ethnic Palestinians– that is, Palestinians who in 1948 managed to remain (and are descendants of those who managed to remain) in or near their homeplaces in what became Israel while a majority of the Palestinians from those areas were ethnically cleansed from those areas during the Arab-Israeli war of that year.
The new State of Israel defined itself as a Jewish state, and has ever since given extraordinary benefits to any Jewish person from anywhere in the world, over and above those it offers to those of its citizens who happen not to be Jewish.
The many forms of discrimination to which these Palestinians are subjected is well documented by the advocacy organization Taayush (Coexistence).
So now, the Netanyahu government has formed a committee to promote the stronger representation of Palestinian Israelis in government jobs, given that they hold only 6.8% of government jobs at present.
But guess what. The eleven persons named to this committee include not a single Palestinian Israeli!
Clearly, the work of this committee is “too important” to be entrusted to someone who’s not Jewish… (Irony alert.)
* A note on nomenclature: The Haaretz article refers to the discriminated-against group as “Arabs”. Most Israeli sources prefer to use that term, which serves the purpose of making these “Israeli Arabs” sound as though they have nothing in common with the Palestinians who live in the West Bank, Gaza, or in the very extensive Palestinian diaspora. But that’s nonsense. These people were Palestinians (i.e. citizens of the British-mandated State of Palestine) before they had “Israeliness” forced upon them. And the only difference between them and those of their brothers and cousins who ended up as refugees was a series of decisions made by family forebears in those very tense, fear-riven days of 1947-48 when the Jewish/Israeli forces put the ethnic cleansing plan (‘Plan Dalet’) into operation. So to describe them only as somehow deracinated Israeli “Arabs” rather than Palestinians is highly misleading…
Key Zionist pioneer renounces Zionism
I’ve never met Dov Yermiya, a Jewish Israeli peace activist who is now 94 years old. But I read of course the book he published in 1983 in which he wrote with anguish about the torture and other gross mistreatment of civilians he witnessed directly during Israel’s invasion of Lebanon the year before.
I have it in my hand now.
I just learned, in this open letter published today by Uri Avnery, that Yermiya, recently renounced the ideology and practice of Zionism with these stirring words:
- I, a 95 year old Sabra (native born Israeli Jew), who has plowed its fields, planted trees, built a house and fathered sons, grandsons and great-grandsons, and also shed his blood in the battle for the founding of the State of Israel,
Declare herewith that I renounce my belief in the Zionism which has failed, that I shall not be loyal to the Jewish fascist state and its mad visions, that I shall not sing anymore its nationalist anthem, that I shall stand at attention only on the days of mourning for those fallen on both sides in the wars, and that I look with a broken heart at an Israel that is committing suicide and at the three generations of offspring that I have bred and raised in it.
… for 42 years, Israel turned what should have been Palestine into a giant detention camp, and is holding a whole people captive under an oppressive and cruel regime, with the sole aim of taking away their country, come what may!!!
The IDF eagerly suppresses their efforts at rebellion, with the active assistance of the settlement thugs, by the brutal means of a sophisticated Apartheid and a choking blockade, inhuman harassment of the sick and of women in labor, the destruction of their economy and the theft of their best land and water.
Over all this there is waving the black flag of the frightening contempt for the life and blood of the Palestinians. Israel will never be forgiven for the terrible toll of blood spilt, and especially the blood of children, in hair-raising quantities…
Avnery’s response is fascinating. He too is a veteran peace activist, and of about the same generation as Yermiya. But in the letter he is, I think, pleading with Yermiya not to renounce Zionism completely, but rather to reconnect with the “idealistic” Zionism that they both experienced during their youth.
He writes,
- When I think of our youth, yours and mine, one scene is never far from my mind: the 1947 Dalia festival.
Tens of thousands of young men and women were sitting on the slope of a hill in the natural amphitheater near Kibbutz Dalia on Mount Carmel. Ostensibly it was a festival of folk dancing, but in reality it was much more – a great celebration of the new Hebrew culture which we were then creating in the country, in which folk dancing played an important role. The dancing groups came mainly from the kibbutzim and the youth movements, and the dances were original Hebrew creations, interwoven with Russian, Polish, Yemenite and Hassidic ones. A group of Arabs danced the Debka in ecstasy, dancing and dancing and dancing on.
In the middle of the event, the loudspeakers announced that members of the UN Commission of Inquiry, which had been sent by the international organization to decide upon the future of the country, were joining us. When we saw them entering the amphitheater, the tens of thousands spontaneously rose to their feet and started to sing the “Hatikva”, the national anthem, with a holy fervor that reverberated from the surrounding mountains.
We did not know then that within half a year the great Hebrew-Arab war would break out – our War of Independence and their Naqba. I believe that most of the 6000 young people who fell in the war on our side, as well as the thousands that were wounded – like you and me – were present at that moment in Dalia, seeing each other and singing together.
What state did we think of then? What state did we set out to create?
What has happened to the Hebrew society, the Hebrew culture, the Hebrew morality that we were so proud of then?
Then, he pleads this:
- You, Dov, have invested in this state much too much to turn your back on it in a gesture of anger and despair. The most hackneyed and worn-out slogan in Israel is also true: “We don’t have another state!”
Other states in the world have sunk to the depths of depravity and committed unspeakable crimes, far beyond our worst sins, and still brought themselves back to the family of nations and redeemed their souls.
We and all the members of our generation, who were among those who created this state, bear a heavy responsibility for it. A responsibility to our offspring, to those oppressed by this state, to the entire world. From this responsibility we cannot escape.
Even at your respectable age, and precisely because of it and because of what you represent, you must be a compass for the young and tell them: This state belongs to you, you can change it, don’t allow the nationalist wreckers to steal it from you!
True, 61 years ago we had another state in mind. Now, after our state has tumbled to where it is today, we must remember that other state, and remind everybody, every day, what the state should have been like, what it can be like, and not allow our vision to disappear like a dream. Let’s lend our shoulders to every effort to repair and heal!
These are very weighty issues that these two longtime Zionists are debating.
I remember the evening I had back in early March with longtime Jewish-Israeli nonviolence activist Amos Gvirtz. Gvirtz is “only” in his late 60s or early 70s. But like Avnery and Yermiya he grew up in Israel.
He told me in March,
- I became an anti-Zionist after Oslo, when the government expelled the Arabs of Jahhaleenn to make room for the big new settlement area if Maale Adummim… Like the Zionists, I believe we Jews need a state of our own. But unlike the Zionists I don’t think this should be built on the ruins of someone else’s home. So our state need not necessarily be right here.
Gvirtz, too, like Avnery, identified a strong link between the events of 1947-48 and the situation today– though the nature of the link Gvirtz identified was very different from Avnery’s: “The Nakba wasn’t really a single event that happened in 1948, so much as a long-drawn-out process, that continues to this day.” In other words, he was quite unwilling to neatly divide Israeli history, as Avnery still does, between the idealized, pre-lapsarian days of the 1947 Dalia festival and the post-lapsarian era that was inaugurated– in Avnery’s view– only by Israel’s conquest of the West Bank.
Obviously, this is a very weighty issue for Zionists and their supporters to grapple with. Did 1967 mark a notable break between a laudable past and a troublesome present? Or were there indeed, as Gvirtz and many other current non- and anti-Zionists have argued, many elements of continuity from the 1947 period right through to the present?
Anyway, I’d love to see the whole text of the latest Yermiya letter from which Avnery is quoting, if anyone can provide a link to it, preferably in English. The only recent English text that I could find by him online was this letter, published in the Communist weekly Zo Haderekh in June 2008.
In it, Yermiya was returning to Defense Minister Barak the invitation he had been sent to attend a ceremony to honor all veterans of Israel’s 1948 “War of Independence”.
He wrote,
- As a veteran of the 1948 war, who was already wounded in face to face combat two weeks before the Declaration of the State, I feel obliged herewith to return the invitation to you, as Minister of Defence. I do so regretfully but see this as my duty.
I consider you, Ehud Barak, as one of the top military commanders and prominent political leaders who were responsible for converting the army from “the Israeli Defence Force” to an army of occupation and oppression of the Palestinian people and defender of the criminal settlements in their country.
40 years of occupation have utterly corrupted the Israeli army and all strata of Israeli society.They are both characterized by the nationalist ‘east wind’ [the east wind brings the chamsin and locusts – C.A.] which blows and kindles conflagrations of endless wars, which threaten our people and land with the third and final destruction. Your share in the responsibility for all this is enormous, and therefore I return your invitation to you, without thanks…
Israeli occupation and western taxpayers
The fearless Akiva Eldar does a great critique in today’s Haaretz of Netanyahu’s claim that his policies have already improved the economy of the West Bank.
(The other part of Netanyahu’s policy is to hope that Palestinians would be satisfied with only some degree of easing of their deep economic plight, and would therefore somehow miraculously “forget about” their even deeper political plight…)
Eldar writes,
- During a sweaty and well-publicized visit he held last weekend at the Allenby Bridge crossing, Netanyahu boasted of the fact that economic growth in the West Bank had reached 7 percent.
At the cabinet meeting on Sunday the growth rate grew to double digits: 10 percent. Thus will be done to good Arabs who maintain Israel’s security and don’t launch Qassam rockets at the country.
I wish he had noted that actually, for many months now, there have been no Qassam rockets fired at Israel from Hamas-controlled Gaza.
But he goes on to note that,
- Without the assistance, though, of the European and American taxpayer, who are paying the salaries of the Palestinian Authority’s over 100,000 policemen and officials, the economy of the West Bank would long since have collapsed along with the PA.
The Palestinian economy is not recovering thanks to Israel, but in spite of it.
The fact that the vast majority of the costs involved in administering Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza have since Oslo been paid by the EU and the US is an extremely important one to underline.
Prior to Oslo, those costs were borne mostly by the Israeli taxpayers themselves… Just as, from 2003 until now, American taxpayers have been paying nearly all the costs of administering our country’s military occupation of Iraq.
Running an occupation is, it turns out, a pretty expensive business. It’s expensive even when, as in the case of the OPTs, the “occupied” population can be used for decades as a captive market for the products of the economy of the occupying power. (Since it’s the occupier that, surprise surprise, totally controls the terms of trade between the two… As we saw in Iraq, also.)
Prior to Oslo, the costs to Israeli society– both financial and human– of maintaining the occupation of the OPTs were a significant factor in motivating Israelis to find a way to end the occupation. Back then, Israeli peaceniks produced numerous studies showing the size of the burden that the occupation placed on their economy, and how Israel could win a significant “peace dividend” if only it ended the occupation.
Bus after Oslo– poof!! Suddenly the fact of the continuing occupation became miraculously “sanitized” when Arafat shook Rabin’s hand, and the Europeans and Americans lined up to pick up the burden of paying for the administration of the occupation under the rubric of support “to the PA”.
As I noted in my latest article in Boston Review, the post-Oslo disappearance of the previous “economic argument for peace” was a significant factor in leading to the decline of he Israeli peace movement.
And yes, after Oslo, the occupation still continued. But the PA– more properly known as the PISGA, Palestinian Interim Self Governing Authority– soon enough started acting as the Israeli military’s principal contractor in this venture, its Halliburton if you like, and undertaking most of the time-consuming tasks of administering the occupation on the ground.
And now, suddenly the costs were all borne not by Israel but by EU and US taxpayers! Shazam!
Akiva Eldar refers to a lot of material from the IMF that shows that the “West Bank economic miracle” that Netanyahu is currently claiming is nowhere near as impressive as the PM makes it out to be…
We can also note that in addition to paying the operating costs of the PISGA, western taxpayers have two other forms of financial entanglement with aspects of Israel’s ongoing occupation of the OPTs:
- 1. Our governments give generous tax breaks to many supposedly “charitable” organizations that provide significant financial and other support to the ongoing project of illegally implanting settlers into the occupied lands; and
2. Our governments give tax breaks and a certain amount of actual government funding to a range of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the OPTs (and in Israel) that do many different things on a not-for-profit basis, ranging from the provision of vital health, humanitarian, and community development services to Palestinian communities under stress to monitoring the rights situation in the OPTs and in Israel itself, and advocating and organizing to end gross rights abuses.
Among these latter types of organization are the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, Anera, the courageous Israel organization Breaking the Silence, the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, B’tselem, etc, etc.
In Eldar’s article, he notes that Netanyahu’s political adviser Ron Dermer has recently talked about “the need to silence… NGOs like Breaking the Silence (an organization of veteran Israeli soldiers that collects testimonies from soldiers).”
He adds, however, that Dermer,
- forgot to do his homework. Had he checked the Knesset records, Dermer would have discovered that he is not the first right-wing politician to think of the brilliant idea of banning the transfer of money from abroad to NGOs of a political nature.
The late MK Yuri Stern of Yisrael Beiteinu suggested an almost identical legislative initiative in the 16th Knesset. The draft bill passed in the first reading and then disappeared into oblivion. During discussions it turned out that the law would require [all] NGOs in Israel that receive donations from abroad to present the record of their economic activity to the Registrar of Non-Profit Organizations.
The representatives of Shas and United Torah Judaism immediately became the leading opponents of the initiative.
Eldar notes this:
- the grants given by these [European] governments to the human rights organizations are nothing compared to the hundreds of millions of tax-exempt American dollars that charity organizations of American Jews and Christians pour into NGOs identified with the right.
A legal opinion presented to the MKs anticipated that the court would find it difficult not to recognize a tax exemption on donations as de-facto government funding. That was the end of the [previous] legislative initiative.
He also quotes an un-named “leading European diplomat” as mentioning,
- that European assistance to human rights organizations in Israel is a drop in the bucket compared to money that Europe channels to the Palestinian Authority.
He is not aware of Israel donating 1 billion euros every year in order to assist with any conflict in Europe.
Anyway, the bottom line here. There are many very significant ways in which tax monies or tax breaks from western governments do things that support not only the continuation of Israel’s occupation of the OPTs but also its illegal implantation of Jewish settlers into the West Bank. There are a few ways in which western governments send much, much smaller amounts of financial aid toNGOs that in various ways help save the resilience of the Palestinian people.
We who are citizens of these western countries are directly morally implicated in all these activities of our governments. We should take responsibility for them, and find ways to end the occupation now.
Really end it, that is. Not just put lipstick on it and throw a few sub-contracts for running it to a PISGA that has definitely, 15 years after its established, long outlived its sell-by date.
Ethnic cleansing of East Jerusalem continues…
The Israeli authorities are continuing with their campaign to expel Palestinians from East Jerusalem and replace them there with Jewish settlers.
At some point before dawn this morning, black-clad Israeli riot police evicted 53 Palestinians, including 19 children from two homes in the occupied part of the city.
The BBC reported that “Jewish settlers moved into the houses almost immediately.”
The Israeli High Court has ruled that Jewish families hold legal title to the properties. And the Israeli government maintains that its legal institutions are sovereign in the whole of the occupied city– though the UN, the US government, and just about all the other governments of the world remain firm in their judgment that East Jerusalem is occupied territory under international law, and that implantation of Jewish settlers into East Jerusalem is therefore quite illegal under international law.
The eviction of Palestinian families from East Jerusalem is the latest in a long string of continuing Israeli governmental actions in the occupied West Bank (of which E. Jerusalem is the capital), that are aimed either at the expulsion/expropriation of Palestinians or the implantation of Jewish settlers, or both.
Pres. Obama has called for an end to the settlement activity and to the eviction of Palestinians from their longtime homes. But thus far neither he nor any other world leader has done anything concrete to hold Israel accountable for the continuing grave violations of international law that these actions represent.
Inside Israel, meanwhile, large numbers of Israelis have been mourning the killing of two people, and the wounding of eleven more, when a masked gunman took aim at the Tel Aviv Gay and Lesbian Association last night.
In that BBC story, PM Benjamin Netanyahu is reported as vowing “to bring the killer to justice.”
That is excellent news. But when will he be “brought to justice”– or even held in any way “accountable”– for the many continuing breaches of international law that his government is committing in the occupied territories?