Military historian Van Creveld calls for US exit from Iraq

The noted Israeli military historian Martin Van Creveld has now written in the US Jewish newspaper Forward that:

    The question is no longer if American forces will be withdrawn, but how soon — and at what cost. In this respect, as in so many others, the obvious parallel to Iraq is Vietnam.

Van Creveld– whose work I have followed, and admired (with some caveats) for more than 20 years now– points out that in Vietnam, at least the retreating US forces had the option of leaving most of their heavy gear behind, with the nominally indepedent Army of the Republic of (south) Vietnam, the ARVN. It then took a couple of further years before that equipment fell into the hands of the North Vietnamese, with the definitive collapse of the ARVN in 1975.
He notes that today, the situation is different. Firstly, there is no opposing government with which the modalities of this withdrawal can be negotiated. In addition, he notes that that the weapons now being used by the US inside Iraq:

    are so few and so expensive that even the world’s largest and richest power can afford only to field a relative handful of them.
    Therefore, simply abandoning equipment or handing it over to the Iraqis, as was done in Vietnam, is simply not an option. And even if it were, the new Iraqi army is by all accounts much weaker, less skilled, less cohesive and less loyal to its government than even the South Vietnamese army was. For all intents and purposes, Washington might just as well hand over its weapons directly to Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.
    Clearly, then, the thing to do is to forget about face-saving and conduct a classic withdrawal.

As in the nine-point exit plan that I spelled out on July 7, Van Creveld wrote that the retreating US forces will have to be withdrawn through the south of Iraq:

    Handing over their bases or demolishing them if necessary, American forces will have to fall back on Baghdad. From Baghdad they will have to make their way to the southern port city of Basra, and from there back to Kuwait, where the whole misguided adventure began. When Prime Minister Ehud Barak pulled Israel out of Lebanon in 2000, the military was able to carry out the operation in a single night without incurring any casualties. That, however, is not how things will happen in Iraq.
    Not only are American forces perhaps 30 times larger, but so is the country they have to traverse. A withdrawal probably will require several months and incur a sizable number of casualties. As the pullout proceeds, Iraq almost certainly will sink into an all-out civil war from which it will take the country a long time to emerge — if, indeed, it can do so at all. All this is inevitable and will take place whether George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and Condoleezza Rice like it or not.

Van Creveld does write, however, that a “complete” withdrawal “is not an option”:

    A continued military presence, made up of air, sea and a moderate number of ground forces, will be needed.
    First and foremost, such a presence will be needed to counter Iran, which for two decades now has seen the United States as “the Great Satan.” Tehran is certain to emerge as the biggest winner from the war — a winner that in the not too distant future is likely to add nuclear warheads to the missiles it already has. In the past, Tehran has often threatened the Gulf States. Now that Iraq is gone, it is hard to see how anybody except the United States can keep the Gulf States, and their oil, out of the mullahs’ clutches.
    A continued American military presence will be needed also, because a divided, chaotic, government-less Iraq is very likely to become a hornets’ nest. From it, a hundred mini-Zarqawis will spread all over the Middle East, conducting acts of sabotage and seeking to overthrow governments in Allah’s name.
    The Gulf States apart, the most vulnerable country is Jordan, as evidenced by the recent attacks in Amman. However, Turkey, Egypt and, to a lesser extent, Israel are also likely to feel the impact. Some of these countries, Jordan in particular, are going to require American assistance.

But though he writes that a complete withdrawal “is not an option”, from the wording he uses, it’s not clear whether he would foresees that some of the residual force he’s writing about would be stationed inside Iraq, or not. Most likely, not, since he writes specifically about a “withdrawal from Iraq”, not a retrechment/redeployment of forces inside the country. The residual force he has in mind would therefore, it seems, most likely be stationed just “over the horizon” from Iraq– with components most likely dispersed among Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, and the in-Gulf US Navy presence.
In my book, a sizeable residual force would still be a force for quite unwarranted US intervention in the region. We should aim for its dismantling, too– as part of the much broader re-ordering of US relations with the rest of the world that will be needed in order to build a world marked by real human equality.
Nevertheless, Van Creveld’s plan seems to go significantly further than, for example, Juan Cole’s plan of leaving a significant US residual force inside Iraq. It is great to have this clear-eyed strategic realist and very experienced military historian writing that what I have been advocating for a while now has indeed become a necessity.
Van Creveld concludes, quite pointedly:

    Maintaining an American security presence in the region, not to mention withdrawing forces from Iraq, will involve many complicated problems, military as well as political. Such an endeavor, one would hope, will be handled by a team different from — and more competent than — the one presently in charge of the White House and Pentagon.
    For misleading the American people, and launching the most foolish war since Emperor Augustus in 9 B.C sent his legions into Germany and lost them, Bush deserves to be impeached and, once he has been removed from office, put on trial along with the rest of the president’s men. If convicted, they’ll have plenty of time to mull over their sins.

Well said!
Van Creveld, I should note, is no raving lefty anti-American. He’s a very sober historian whose tag-line there at the the Forward tells us that, “He is the only non-American author on the U.S. Army’s required reading list for officers.
And I forgot to tell you the title of his article there. It is this: Costly Withdrawal Is the Price To Be Paid for a Foolish War.

Iraqi round-up

A lot has been happening in the world– including in Iraq– in the past
ten days.  I’m sorry it’s been so long since I last posted.  But
at least now I can  try to give a broad overview, based on what I’ve
been reading and on conversations I had in DC, of how I see things developing.
 Here are the headlines:

Iraq moves front and center of US politics

The internal debate over Iraq policy, inside the US political system, is
now more audible and prominent than it has been at any time since August-October
2002.  Actually, probably since long before then, too, given the paucity
of the debate at that time.  (But d’you remember Sen. Robert Byrd’s great
oratory?)

But once Congress had passed the war-enabling resolution, back in that traumatic
October of 2002 when nearly all the Dems were scared sh**-less by the prospect
of being tarred as “lily-livered pacifists” in the upcoming mid-terms, public
debate on the policy at the level of the national party leaderships became
almost completely silenced.  And especially, of course, once the invasion
had been started.

Since then, “Iraq”, and the tremendous human and financial losses it has
inflicted, has been the silent elephant in the room of  US national political
discourse.  The Dems couldn’t find a voice, or a policy they could visibly
unite around and proclaim as their own.

Well, they still haven’t.  But the rising casualty toll, the revelations
of continuing US war crimes, the failure to achieve anything credible on the
ground in Iraq, the budget crisis in this country to which the Iraq war has
so visibly contributed– all those factors, plus (heh-heh!) the salutary setback
the GOP suffered at the state-level polls earlier this month mean that the
once-silent elephant has started to trumpet its presence very loudly.

Okay, I recognize that in the US political context, talking about an elephant
starting to trumpet loudly could also be interpreted as referring to the Republican
Party, since the elephant is their symbol…. And in one way, that’s appropriate,
since the debate over Iraq policy that’s been going on inside the
Republican party has been at least as significant as the one between it and
the Dems.

And this has led to the really delicious signs of GOP disarray over how
to respond to Congressman Murtha.  Sure, the House Republicans tried
to stomp all over him.  (And the House Democratic leadership didn’t
do very well in defending him, either.)  But while Bush himself then
felt forced to intone talking-points about Murtha being a great patriot etc.,
Cheney was still adopting a very accusatory and weaselly public stance.

Bush administration forced to give some appearance of troop withdrawals

Behind the childish rhetoric of “staying the course”, the administration
has clearly made a decision that it needs to start presenting at least the
appearance of some movement toward drawdown of the troop presence in Iraq.
 I imagine their main motivators for this are (a) a long-overdue (and
still small) amount of budgetary and military-planning “realism”, and (b)
pressure from within the Republican party– especially after the most recent
elections here– to the effect that there needs to be a significant decrease
in the troop deployment before November 2006 if the party is to avoid getting
creamed in the mid-term elections…

Continue reading “Iraqi round-up”

SCIRI Central Cttee man talks with Muslim Brothers

This, from Gilbert Achcar:
AN EXCHANGE BETWEEN SUNNI MUSLIMS AND A SCIRI LEADER
On the occasion of the Iraqi conference to be held in Cairo under the auspices of the League of Arab states, IslamOnline—a website related to the pan-Islamic (Sunni) Muslim Brotherhood—invited Dr. Ali al-Adad, a prominent member of the Central Council of the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), to a live exchange with its readers in one of the online discussions that the website organizes regularly on very diverse issues. The exchange took place on November 17, and is posted in Arabic on IslamOnline.net.
It is an interesting document since it is rare to find the record of such a frank and direct exchange. It gives a view (rare in the Western media) of the discourse addressed by the SCIRI, the most prominent Iraqi Shiite organization closely linked to Iran, to Muslim audiences, including its own Iraqi constituency. It is, of course, quite different from the discourse held by those SCIRI members who are appointed to the task of dealing with the US, like Iraqi Vice-President Adel Abdul-Mahdi who visited Washington recently.
I have excerpted and translated what follows.
Gilbert Achcar

….
Q: It is said that the [Cairo] conference is backed by the US in order to control the situation in Iraq and overcome the valiant Iraqi resistance in the name of opposing terrorism. How do you assess this view? Is the national entente [between Iraqis] going to allow the resistance to act against the occupiers only, or will it contribute to make the situation in Iraq comfortable for the Americans and exclude the prospect of a timetable for the withdrawal [of occupation troops]?
A: It is true that the Americans need the Arab governments to take a positive stand toward the situation in Iraq, but the Iraqis and the Iraqi government and patriotic Iraqi forces need to be integrated in the Arab League and in the Arab nation and Arab people so that they join the Iraqi people and support it in building Iraqi unity.
There is no disagreement on the stance toward American soldiers. All Iraqi forces, Shiite, Sunni and Kurds, want a timetable for the withdrawal of foreign troops. There is no disagreement on this issue, but there are major reservations on the military operations of the so-called armed resistance since they are not only targeting the Americans, but have undertaken operations of mass murder and ugly crimes against women and children under criminal sectarian slogans, while declaring the overwhelming majority of the Iraqi people to be miscreants [takfeer].
This is why we cannot accept this insane criminal resistance to participate in the talks. We want these criminal forces to be definitively isolated by the unity of Arabs, Shiites and Sunnis, and Kurds, and all other minorities, in building a democratic Iraq that refuses sectarianism and rejects the attribution of posts on a sectarian basis instead of attributing them on a positive basis of competence for the building of a unified Iraq for all.

Q: Mr. Ali al-Adad, do you have a timetable for the withdrawal of occupation forces from Iraq? What is your position on the Iraqi resistance? Do you put it in the category of terrorism?
A: The political forces that will participate in the forthcoming [December 15 parliamentary] election, and in particular the [United Iraqi] Alliance’s slate that includes 17 movements and parties, the majority of whom are Shiites, agreed that the first demand on their political program is getting foreign troops out of Iraq, by setting a timetable for the evacuation of these troops. The second demand on their political program is the rapid and strong building of interior security forces so that they assume the defense of the country and take hold of all the territory including the borders, so that there remains no justification for the presence of foreign troops.
[The reply to the second part of the above question reiterates what was said already.]

Q: As-Salam aleikum, the head of the previous regime was a “Sunni,” and the Sunnis, and I am one of them, used to like the Shiites, and I have never felt that there was a discrimination against them or acceptance of an injustice that hurts them whether from the head of the regime or from his ministers.
Today the head of the ruling regime is very much Shiite, a Jaafari [the last name of the Iraqi Prime Minister, Ibrahim al-Jaafari, is also the name of the majority doctrine of Shiism]. Now that a little part has been uncovered of the hidden savage repressive practices denounced for long by the Sunni representatives and freely practiced by the Ministry of Interior, which is headed by a member of your [Supreme] Council, and by the apparatuses of the [SCIRI’s] Badr militia against the Sunnis:
1-Do you believe that an entente is possible without a clear position and sanction on this?
2-Will the actions undertaken by the resistance against the apparatuses and members of the Ministry [of Interior] continue to be characterized as terrorist—as all Iraqi Shiites like to call them today, and they even call the resistance against the occupation terrorism—especially that the little uncovered of what is hidden has been uncovered by your American ally itself? Please reply without beating around the bush.

Continue reading “SCIRI Central Cttee man talks with Muslim Brothers”

Salam/Pax on the torture houses, contd.

Some more sordid details from Salam/Pax about the Baghdad charnel/torture houses.
Including stuff about chain saws, razors, etc. Also this:

    It is said that the investigations will reveal that there are about 10 or 12 such centres in and around Baghdad. One of them in al-Ameryiah district was being used as a sort of a site for graves for those who die in detention.

His conclusion– an astute reference to Salman Rushdie’s Satanic Verses— is particularly worth reading.

Skin peeled off

The latest revelations about torture in the “New Iraq” are really horrific. Reuters has a good (by which I mean very disturbing) account of it… Including this:

    “There were 161 detainees in all and they were being treated in an inappropriate way … they were being abused,” Hussein Kamal, a deputy interior minister, told Reuters.
    “I’ve never seen such a situation like this during the past two years in Baghdad, this is the worst,” he told CNN.
    “I saw signs of physical abuse by brutal beating, one or two detainees were paralyzed and some had their skin peeled off various parts of their bodies.”

The BBC’s report is much fuller. It says:

    Sunday’s discovery is hard evidence and officials believe it may be the tip of the iceberg.
    There are suspicions the building may also have been used as a base for a militia called the Badr Brigade, and that such militias may have infiltrated Iraq’s security services, our correspondent adds.

“May have infiltrated” is an amazing euphemism, since what has happened in large parts of Iraq is that the US/UK occupation forces have handed off public security to various militias–including both the Badr Brigade and the Kurdish Pesh Merga– quite knowingly. (And they complain about the Lebanese government allowing a militia to operate there!)
The victims of the latest barbarity were reportedly all Sunnis.
The BBC account notes that extreme mistreatment of detainees by Iraqi security forces and their allied militias is not a new issue:

    Anne Clwyd MP, the UK government’s human rights envoy in Iraq, said she had raised such allegations with Iraqi authorities back in May.
    “It is shocking what has happened,” she told Newsnight.
    She said the UK had been trying to help bring about a cultural change by providing human rights training to Iraq security forces.
    “After 35 years of abuse, it takes a long time for people’s mindsets to change,” she said.

Also, this:

    The security forces have faced repeated allegations of systematic abuse and torture of detainees, and of extra-judicial killings.
    A report by pressure group Human Rights Watch earlier this year said methods used by Iraqi police included beating detainees with cables, hanging them from their wrists for long periods and giving electric shocks to sensitive parts of the body.

That would be this report, from January.
The 161– or, in some accounts, “more than 170”– mistreated detainees were apparently discovered by US troops, who for some reason had been searching for a missing 15-year-old youth. (People get “disappeared” in Iraq all the time. This kid must have had some powerful relatives.)
The BBC report said:

    A US soldier who carried out the raid said: “It’s not what we expected at all, we were looking for a 15-year-old boy.”

The generally well-informed Salam Pax recounts some additional gruesome details:

    It is said that there were a number of dead bodies as well in the shelter and what the report doesn’t mention is signs of power tools used on the detainees. Apparently the officer in charge of this operation has something for drills; there were holes on feet and legs. Heading this operation there is an Iraqi officer and [he] is under the direct supervision of the current minister of interior affairs (security) who us a member of SCIRI. And I don’t really [buy] the spokesman’s line that the minister of Interior Affairs had no idea of what was going on, what I heard was that the officer in charge was under direct supervision from the Minister.

The tragedy of all that’s been happening seems almost overwhelming. Large numbers of Iraqi Sunnis have been receiving barbaric treatment for many months now– at the hands of both the US forces and the Iraqi-government/Badr forces.
By the way, the BBC today quoted Pentagon spokesman Lt.Col. Barry Venable as confirming that US troops used White Phosphorus bombs in last November’s attack against Fallujah:

    “When you have enemy forces that are in covered positions that your high explosive artillery rounds are not having an impact on and you wish to get them out of those positions, one technique is to fire a white phosphorus round or rounds into the position because the combined effects of the fire and smoke – and in some case the terror brought about by the explosion on the ground – will drive them out of the holes so that you can kill them with high explosives,” he said.

There is one serious error in that report. It states that a prof at Bradford University said that WP could count as a chemical weapon “if deliberately aimed at civilians”– but the actual quote they have there from the professor doesn’t say “civilians”, it says “people”… And the worldwide Chemical Weapons ban is a ban on using CW against anyone, whether combatants or noncombatants; it doesn’t specify “civilians” at all…
But anyway, in western Iraq, and in many parts of Baghdad, Sunnis have been targeted for ourageous mistreatment. Then, on the other side, we saw the terrible tragedy of the recent, Iraqi-Sunni-perpetrated bombings in Jordan.
Violence begets violence.
Yes, there was violence inside Iraq before the US invasion of March 2003. (But actually, in the three years immediately preceding the war, not very much of it at all.)
But in March 2003, President Bush and his advisors opted for a massive escalation of violence in and against the country— and after having unleashed the “shock and awe” cataclysm of the invasion, they proceeded to dismantle the Iraqi state, thus unleashing all the demons of inter-sectarian strife.
And now this, in the “new order” they created there: Skin peeled off..
Bring the troops home. Resign. Apologise. There are no further excuses. It is not just the skin of those men screaming in pain that has been peeled off. It is also the skin of all the Bush administration’s lies about this war.

Riverbend writes

Riverbend– whose book just won a good prize from a German foundation, I saw yesterday– has a new post on her blog. It makes depressing reading.
She concludes:

    We literally laugh when we hear the much subdued threats American politicians make towards Iran. The US can no longer afford to threaten Iran because they know that should the followers of Sadr, Iranian cleric Sistani and Badir’s Brigade people rise up against the Americans, they’d have to be out of Iraq within a month. Iran can do what it wants- enrich uranium? Of course! If Tehran declared tomorrow that it was currently in negotiations for a nuclear bomb, Bush would have to don his fake pilot suit again, gush enthusiastically about the War on Terror and then threaten Syria some more.
    Congratulations Americans- not only are the hardliner Iranian clerics running the show in Iran- they are also running the show in Iraq. This shift of power should have been obvious to the world when My-Loyalty-to-the-Highest-Bidder-Chalabi sold his allegiance to Iran last year. American and British sons and daughters and husbands and wives are dying so that this coming December, Iraqis can go out and vote for Iran influenced clerics to knock us back a good four hundred years.
    What happened to the dream of a democratic Iraq?

Earlier on in the post, she gives some really interesting background to the way the legacy of the 8-year Iran-Iraq war still lingers in the minds of many Iraqis. Very somber reading, the whole thing.
(Hat-tip to the amazing Susan– yes, “our” Susan from the Comments boards here at JWN– who noted this rare new offering from River in her lengthy and informative new post over at Today in Iraq. Great job, Susan!)

Skulduggery at the Iraqi polls? ( I am “shocked, shocked!”)

Gareth Porter (JWN commenter) has written a piece for IPS stating that,

    Reports compiled by the U.S. military in Iraq from its informants and by non-governmental organisations from independent Iraqi sources provide the first detailed picture of a campaign of ballot fraud by Kurdish authorities in Nineveh province, the key to the outcome of the Oct. 15 constitutional referendum.
    They show that officials of the Kurdish Democratic Party bused non-resident Kurds to vote in polling stations in various non-Kurdish areas of Nineveh and created a climate of fear and intimidation in the province that reduced the vote against the constitution on the Nineveh plain. They also support Sunni charges of fraudulent vote totals in the province.

Porter writes,

    The final official vote total for Nineveh was 395,000 “no” and 323,000 “yes”. However the [Independent Election Commission in Iraq] in Nineveh had told the media on Oct. 16 and again on Oct. 17 that 327,000 people had voted for the constitution and only 90,000 against, with only 25 out of the 300 polling stations in the province remaining to be counted.
    Thus, between the two counts, 5,000 yes votes had apparently disappeared and 295,000 no votes had mysteriously materialised — all from only 25 polling places. No explanation has ever been provided by election authorities for those contradictory data. The U.S. military’s informant supports the view that Kurdish and Sunni vote totals in Mosul were significantly altered.
    In the towns north and east of [the province’s capital,] Mosul, the military’s reporting suggests the main factor in distorting the vote was the use by Kurdish authorities of “flying voters” and voter intimidation…

The picture appears a little unclear from this account. First of all, it is quite amazing if the IECI was in any position to give any kind of an original estimate as early as Oct 16 or Oct 17, given the weather and other conditions in the country at the time and the logistical challenges in gathering and counting so many paper ballots. If IECI people were giving estimates at that time– and I do recall something like that– then those estimates themselves can have been based on little more than thin air and wishful thinking. (Rather like Condi Rice’s “calling” of the referendum on the morning of the 16th…. What an amazing feat of non-reality-based chutzpah that was, eh?)
Oh, right. Here is an informative IPS report by Gareth Porter datelined Oct. 19, in which he reported that the IECI had claimed that 326,000 people in Nineveh had voted Yes and 90,000 had voted No.
So I guess if the IECI had been giving out such an unlikely estimate that early, pretty soon afterwards someone must have taken them aside and said, “You know, those figures are just simply not credible… You’ll have to do better than that!” So off they went and came back with the 55%-45% result: “Oh sorry, chaps, our side has still ‘won’ — even if we did it with only 45% of the total!”
One of the sources of reporting on the shenanigans in Nineveh that Porter used in his latest piece was Michael Youash of the Iraq Sustainable Democracy Project, a Washington DC-based group that is concerned with protecting the interests especially of Iraq’s most vulnerable groups, which it defines as “ChaldoAssyrians and also Turkmens, Yezidis, Shabaks and Mandaeans”. Much of Youash’s information had come, in turn, from members of those minorities inside Nineveh.
(By the way, can anyone tell me anything about the Shabaks? You know “Shabak” is the Hebrew word for the Shin Bet, and I’ve a feeling that many reports of Israeli covert activities in northern Iraq might have originated with references to members of Iraq’s own Shabak community… But no-one I’ve spoke to seems to know very much about them… )
Anyway, clearly at a time big inter-group strife in the country, members of all of its small minorities must be feeling very vulnerable, and in danger of getting run over by the nearest demographic/sectarian steamroller, whether it’s the Kurds or the Shiites or the Sunnis– or squezzed hard between two of the steamrollers… Sort of like the Gypsies/Roma in the war-torn lands of former Yugoslavia: always distrusted, always vulnerable.
But I digress. Actually, there is very little at all that sincere lovers of democratic practice can feel good about regarding the modalities, conduct, or outcome of the Iraqi referendum. Porter’s report just adds to the already depressing nature of the general picture.

Iraq referendum results: no surprise

And so now, fully nine days after Condoleezza Rice “called” the Oct. 15th Iraqi referendum, the Independent Iraqi Electoral Commission has come out with its final tally.
Surprise, surprise! The Constitution has been adopted. The No voters did manage to get more than 2/3 of the vote in two provinces. But they failed to meet that required benchmark in any other province, including in Ninevah, though they got 55.08% of the tallied votes there. (Check the province-by-province results here.)
The US-dictated “TAL” document that last year laid out a complex system of procedures for a supposed “handover” of power in Iraq fto a legitimate Iraqi administration decreed that a two-thirds No vote in three or more provinces would be required to send the Constitution-drafters back to their drawing boards.
How much of a difference– in Iraq— does the “passage” of the “constitution” actually make. Back on October 2 I wrote:

    Let’s be clear, whether this draft constitution is accepted or rejected on October 15, the following will happen:
    1.There will be an election for a new National Assembly on December 15. (The only question is over whether this will be a “post-constitutional” assembly, or yet another “transitional” assembly.)
    2. One or more of Iraq’s three major population groups will be majorly pissed off, and inter-group tensions– having been exacerbated by the very framing and holding of the referendum itself–can be guaranteed to continue.
    3. There will remain many fundamental details of the constitution to be decided, and
    4. The Kurds will continue their march toward secession/ independence, whether with more or less speed.

All of the above still stands.
But a lot of what goes on in Iraq these days (and for several years past, too) isn’t primarily “about” Iraq, at all. The poor benighted Iraqis are just the bit players in a much broader, more arrogant drama being played out on the world stage by small groups of people in and around Washington DC. Take this piece of “instant commentary”, by “lawyer and novelist” Alan Topol, that appeared recently in the pages of the staunchly rightwing Washington Times:

    The recent Iraqi vote on the constitutional referendum represents a huge victory for the beleaguered Bush administration. Most important, it may pave the way for bringing home U.S. troops from Iraq next year. It is now possible that there may be a light at the end of the tunnel.
    With congressional elections taking place in November 2006, the administration would like nothing better than to begin a significant troop withdrawal before that date. The Oct. 15 vote, which leaves the Iraqi constitution intact and approved, assists in that process because it permits the administration to argue that Iraq now has a viable government…

Did I say “instant” commentary? Well it was better than instant– it was “before the fact”! Just like Condi Rice’s and the President’s crowings about the referendum results, last week…
(Check some Iraqi and international reaction to today’s announcement, here.)
And so, while Special Prosecutor Fitzgerald gets closer and closer to the center of power in DC, the Bushies remain desperate to prove that their their whole imperial adventure in Iraq has had some good results, however short-lived they might prove to be…

Continue reading “Iraq referendum results: no surprise”

Approaching 2K (US dead, only)

We are coming up to hearing about the 2,000th US soldier killed in Iraq. People have different plans for what to do about it. I know the pals over at Today in Iraq have some special posts planned, so y’all should check over there. Here is another interesting suggestion.
Time was, in our weekly peace demonstrations here in Charlottesville, I had a sign with spaces for the digits, then it said “- – – – US dead in Iraq.” We had separate foamcore digits to snap onto velcro fasteners in those spaces there. (The idea was that someone would stand next to that one with a sign saying “We mourn ALL the dead.”) But the whole thing got lost someplace while I was in Europe. Darn.
Anyway, our peace vigils here in Charlottesville have been great for the past 4-5 months, without exception… Trolleys clanging in response to our “Honk 4 peace” sign, Vespa-riders giving a squirty little beep-beep, a logging truck once with a humungous great horn that would blast your ears off; bus-drivers, rusty old pickups, soccer moms, LOTS of female African-American drivers honking, cyclists going ching-ching-ching, grandmas and grandpas, Maseratis, good ol’ boys, Hispanics in rusty old jalopies, joggers running by saying “Honk, honk!”; once, I kid you not, a police officer honking for us from his cruiser…
I’ve been reading the George Packer book, Assassins’ Gate. It is an excellent account of the US war in/on Iraq, starting with a detailed intellectual history of the war’s architects, and passing through Packer’s initial enchantment with Kenaan Makiya’s case for the necessity– on human rights grounds– to back the war effort… Then, soon after the war, both Packer and Makiya go to Iraq; and almost immediately Packer sees that nearly everything he has been told about the country by the Iraqi exiles who fomented the war, including Makiya, doesn’t stand up to the light of day, at all.
So where I am in the book is at the point where Packer is starting to feel disillusioned with the whole war effort, and a little bit with Makiya too, for having gotten it all so hideously wrong– that is, basically, for not having understood Iraqi society as it had become, at all…
Packer comes across as an excellent, clear-eyed observer with a great knack for getting people to talk.
As for me, I want to write something slightly big– possibly for a dead-tree medium– about how everyone who backed the war on “human rights” grounds really, fundamentally did not understand the nature of war. War itself is, by definition, a massive assault on the human rights of members of society in which the war is waged… All the generals’ talk about their ability to use bombs with “pinpoint accuracy” is so much nonsense. Plus, it is NOT just the bombings and other directly lethal assaults that kill, maim, and radically restrict the “rights” of residents of the war-zone… It is also the massive degradation of the infrastructure, and the sequelae of self-sustaining, continuing civil strife.
Look at Kosovo six years after the so-called “humanitarian war” there.
So many western liberals got sort of lulled by the events of the 1990s– Bosnia, Haiti, Kosovo– into thinking that the “robust” use of military power could actually serve humanitarian ends… So they were quite primed to see this as a possibility in Iraq, too. (Where of course, the human-rights case against the Saddam Hussein regime was an extremely strong one, indeed.)
George Packer was one of those liberals, in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq. He writes with great apparent honesty about how, when he got to Baghdad, he was expecting it to be “like Prague in 1989” — a newly “free” country, experimenting with all sorts of new forms of social organization and artistic expression… So he got to Baghdad, just a few weeks after the invasion, and headed for one of the city’s few remaining art galleries, and asked, “So where’s the action? Where are the mushrooming new film clubs, the trendy nightspots, the newly formed civic groups” etc etc… And the people there– who had only recently lived through the shock of the invasion, and the possibly even greater shock of the post-invasion looting and the complete collapse of public security throughout their whole city– just looked at him in amazement… And pretty soon, he realized it wasn’t going to be like Prague 1989 at
…Anyway, this piece I plan to write will take on a lot of that 1990s-era fuzzy thinking by comfortable, salon-based western liberals… the kind of people who by the end of the 1990s came to talk quite glibly about the need, here or there around the world, for a “humanitarian war”; or even more glibly, for a “humanitarian intervention” (meaning, war). I think that what those of us who have experienced warfare “at ground zero” need to do is to address all those fuzzy-headed liberals and say: Iraq, Kosovo– that is the nature of war! Get real! It is time for us all to find ways to deal with our political differences using ways other than war.
I mean, look at where the biggest improvements in the human-rights situation took place over the past 25 years: East Asia, East and central Europe, South America, South Africa… In none of those places did that improvement come about as the result of external military intervention
So anyway, that’s what I want to write about; and I think now is a good time. I want to try to take the “lessons” of what’s been happening in Iraq and broaden them out a lot.
(I aslo have a bunch of other writing to do. And I’m going to NYC this week. Should be fun.)