So maybe Sharon really did piss W off last week, at Aqaba, as Akiva Eldar reported in HaAretz today?
Here’s what Reuters reported this afternoon, about Bush’s reaction to the Israeli government’s attempt to launch yet another extra-judicial killing yesterday. (The attempt failed. The target, Hamas’s Abdel-Aziz Rantissi, escaped with minor injuries. Two other people were killed, and a further number injured.)
Anyway, Reuters:
In a rare criticism of Israel, Bush said the attack on the official of the Hamas group could undermine efforts by Palestinians to end anti-Israeli violence, as specified in his peace “road map.”
He directed his top aides make phone calls to senior Israeli and Palestinian officials, urging the two sides to adhere to plan.
Bush did not take part in the calls.
“I’m concerned that the attacks will make it more difficult for Palestinian leadership to fight off terrorist attacks. I also don’t believe the attacks helped Israeli security,” Bush said as he met Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in the Oval office.
“I am determined to keep the process on the road to peace and I believe that with responsible leadership by all parties we can bring peace to the region,” Bush told reporters.
Abdel-Aziz al-Rantissi of the Palestinian Hamas group, which has rejected the peace plan, was wounded in Tuesday’s strike by Israeli helicopter gunships. The strike killed two others, wounded 20 and threatened to sabotage the peace plan endorsed by Israeli and Palestinian leaders last week at a summit with Bush.
Bush said he regretted the loss of innocent life in the strike.
Another Israeli attack on Palestinian targets followed initial U.S. criticisms of the strike on Rantissi. The White House said it was still studying the second incident.
Under terms of the peace plan, the Palestinian Authority is responsible for ending anti-Israeli violence and dismantling groups such as Hamas that attack Israelis.
Asked whether Israel’s attack on Rantissi was “out of bounds of the road map,” White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said. “That’s correct.”
Author: Helena
Iraqi scenarios
I went to a pre-lunch presentation on Iraq today given by our dear friend Adeed Dawisha. It was really good to see him. When he was last in Charlottesville, back last October, our conversation was a little stilted since he was a big supporter of Prez Bush’s war effort…
Well, our opinions on the advisability of launching that war still differ hugely, but now, there’s no point any more in arguing about it.
Regarding the present and future of Iraq– the country that Adeed grew up in– we can agree on some things and differ on others. So now at least, it’s easier to talk with him!
Adeed’s view of the present situation and future prospects in Iraq is considerably rosier than mine. Though I noted that it is now not nearly as rosy as the kind of scenario he sketched out when he was here back in October.
He and his spouse Karen Dawisha also had an article in the May-June issue of Foreign Affairs, in which they argued that there are some fairly good prospects for the establishment– or re-establishment, as they claim– of democracy in Iraq.
In that article, they argued that two major assets Iraq has that will help build democracy there are (1) a large and well-educated middle class, and (2) a history of pluralism in the pre-Saddam era.
He made part of that same argument today. Well, the part about the middle class.
Personally, I’m a bit wary of that argument. It seems to spring from a generally unexamined classist kind of fallacy that people elsewhere who are “of the same class as us” will therefore end up thinking like us.
One thing I’ve learned from my close study of Lebanese and Palestinian society is that people who are bulwarks of the middle class– educated people, people of generally conservative social and economic views– in those societies don’t necessarily end up thinking like Jeffersonian democrats. In fact, they often end up being bulwarks of Islamist movements.
It was actually Ziad Abu Amr– Abu Mazen’s present emissary to Hamas– who pointed out to me when we were doing research together in Palestine back in the late 1980s that it was his best students from Bir Zeit University who would tend to gravitate toward Hamas and Islamic Jihad. That is, the students who stuck to their books, studied hard and effectively (and didn’t spend time running after girls, etc etc)– and who then went on to become very solid middle-class members of many different professions.
I think the ones who were less studious, more easily distractable, would be the ones who’d end up in the secular nationalist organizations.
And I’ve also noted the same phenomenon in Lebanon.
People in the west tend to have these stereotypical views of people of Islamist political leanings that they are all (1) wild-eyed radicals from the poorest segments of society, and (2) dyed-in-the-wool misogynists. I know for a fact that (1) is not true. And I’m open to entertaining a more nuanced view of things regarding (2)…
So even if, as Adeed claimed this morning, the benevolent occupation forces in Iraq (!) can succeed in getting people there back to work, and then the middle class will find its social and political footing there once again– well, according to Adeed, this would instantly make democracy a much more likely outcome. Myself, I’m not nearly as certain that this is so. (Nor, actually, am I certain about any of the antecedent logical steps in that argument.)
In this amazingly prescient post that I wrote on April 12 (from Tanzania), I wrote:
“People cannot live without personal safety, and this requires some form–whatever form it may be!– of public order. The Americans are not so far providing it. They seem to have made little provision for doing so… In the north– and I mean that term in a fairly expansive sense– the Kurdish forces look poised, perhaps, to provide public order… In the rest of the country, I would place a strong bet on some of the Shi-ite religious organizations being well-placed to provide the public order that the people need… “
Hey, did I call it, or what?
Anyway, one other last note from the morning’s session before I get up to go out to dinner with Karen and Adeed–
This is definitely the “oldster” crowd that gathers there at the Miller Center for Public Affairs for their mid-morning discussions. (Good for the no-night-driving crowd.) At 50 yrs old, I was probably the third youngest person in a room of some 40-50 people. But it’s a crowd that includes a lot of smart, well-informed people.
In the 35-minutes-plus of discussion that followed Adeed’s presentation about Iraq, the words “Weapons of Mass Destruction” and “Ahmad Chalabi” did not come up once.
I think this tends to confirm my suspicion that the WMD issue (as in, who was it who by grossly inflating the size of the WMD threat jerked us into this war, anyway?) may not really develop political legs unless things go visibly very badly for the US occupation force in Iraq.
As for Ahmad Chalabi– boy, has he ever dropped off the map! Justifiably so, I think.
And of the other former heroes of the Iraqi exile– whatever happened to Rend Francke?? She’s the head of the (pro-democracy) Iraq Foundation in DC. When I last heard about her, Caryle Murphy was quoting her in the Washington Post— must have been February, maybe– as saying she planned to be aboard the first of the US tanks that entered Baghdad!!!!
Has anyone heard anything of her since?
Heavy work zone ahead
I spent much of Thursday and Friday doing family stuff, what with Lorna’s graduation, etc. Today after seeing Joe and Tarek off, I pulled out an essay I needed to finish today: a contribution that World Scientific Publishing and Dr. Irwin Abrams solicited from me, to go into a big book on “Impacts and Consequences of the Iraq War”.
Well, that’s the tentative title of the book. WSP has some special deal with the Nobel Foundation in Stockholm to publish the Nobel Prize acceptance speeches of all the Laureates, and they and Abrams are soliciting contributions to this volume from Nobel Peace Laureates and “eminent scholars”.
Guess that makes me an “eminent scholar”?
So I worked on that for much of the day. It’s near completion. Tomorrow I need to start sketching out my CSM column for my regular slot upcoming Thursday. Monday, I need to plunge back into the work of redrafting the report of the International Quaker Working Party on Israeli-Palestinian Peace– the group that gathered back together a fortnight ago in Philly. I’ve set myself a tight schedule for this redraft.
Here’s the thing, though. In my CSM column this week, can I bring myself to write in favor of W for the moves he’s been making on Israeli-Palestinian peace?
Yes, I reckon I need to. Just as well I have internalized a lot of that Christian teaching about separating the sinner from the sin, and the Buddhist/Christian teaching about giving everyone a chance of future redemption. Because otherwise I would still be pretty angry at Bush about the war on Iraq, and unable to give him the credit that I think he is due for his most recent activism on Palestinian-Israeli peace.
Sure, I know it’s not everything I’d like for him to do. But the fact he’s even gone this far is, frankly, a welcome surprise for me.
Earlier in the week–or was it last week?– I wrote a column for Al-Hayat in which I laid out the arguments why engaged activism on Israeli-Palestinian activism might actually be politically beneficial for Bush at this point in the electoral cycle. And what with Iraq rapidly going down the tubes (from the US perspective), and whatever.
But I wrote that stuff– this was quite a few days before the Sharm or Aqaba summits– almost as an intellectual exercize. That was, intellectually I could see the arguments I was making, but I still didn’t really believe some of it might happen.
And then, it seemed to start doing so.
So, we’ll have to continue with a “watchful waiting” routine as we monitor W’s moves on this score from here on out. But meanwhile, I really do want to continue to give him encouragement to proceed.
I know, too, that there are threats to the “Roadmap” process from a number of directions. The Israeli settlers are hugely upset at what they see as Sharon’s defection. (Check out this revealing interview from Friday’s Haaretz with dyed-in-the-wool Likudnik Ruby Rivlin.) Hamas is upset that Abu Mazen seems to have been giving ways too much away already. (If anyone can resolve the current Hamas-Abu Mazen problem it’s probably my old buddy the Palestinian Culture Minister Ziad Abu Amr, who’s their main go-between these days. Good luck, Ziad!)
… And then, there are all the intrinsic problems of the Roadmap itself, which replicates many of the weaknesses of the old Oslo process. Particularly the rampant indeterminacy of the outcome.
But who knows? In the interview with Ruby Rivlin, RR warns eloquently that once Sharon gets tied into the negotiations, the process may go further than even he, that sly old war-horse (my words, re Sharon), is able to control.
I’m not totally convinced of that. And yet, and yet… Things like that actually do end up happening in negotiations. One thing I heard in South Africa was that the National Party there had entered the negotiations with the ANC still fairly confident it could win a settlement that would involve only minor concessions– but they ended up granting full enfranchisement to an electorate that then rejected them roundly at the polls…
So how can we empower the many people–in Israel as well as the Palestinian community– who in any fair process of popular consultation would end up, as repeated polls have told us is the current balance of attitudes, voting for a decent, viable two-state outcome??
How do we get to that process of popular consultation? How do we start promulgating the definition and the vision of that outcome?
Good questions. Maybe I can use that in the column. Read Thursday’s CSM to find out!
JWN transformed
Welcome to the new edition of JWN! It has many great new features, as I’ll explain below.
First news first, though. Yesterday, Lorna Quandt graduated from Charlottesville High School. So we’ve been having a great family get-together: Tarek came in from Austin, Leila and Greg from NYC, and Lorna’s boyfriend Joe from Ossining, NY.
It has been incredibly wonderful having all my progeny and their s.o.’s around. Just a tad bittersweet, since Lorna is the last… My baby! All grown up now. Anyway I can write more about that later.
But having Tarek here has been of particular relevance to the JWN update story, since it was he who, since the turn of the year, (1) explained carefully to me what this thing called a “blog” is; (2) encouraged my early efforts to get one up and running, dispensing free technical advice along the way; and (3), most recently, helped me to move the whole of JWN over to a new blog-maintenance capability called Movable Type.
Which in my humble opinion works fabulously!
Look at all the great features you can now enjoy! You can go to the sidebar to the right and click on any item listed in the ‘Recent Entries’ — or click on any marked date in the calendar, to see entries from that day. Try the ‘Search’ capability. It’s really powerful– makes my sad old attempt to keep up an Index look ultra-puny by comparison.
Plus, you can now post your own comments at the end of any of the JWN posts– and indeed, keep quite a little discussion going about any of themwith other readers, if you want.
Soon to come, I hope, will be photos!! Plus I want to find a way to change the color of the items that are hyperlinks, since I think this one is sludgy and unclear. Plus we will maybe put all the past posts into Categories and then generate an Archive-by-category…
But hey! This Movable Type package has already proven itself really powerful and flexible. Since I’m still tweaking the templates some, do please click on the ‘Comments’ button below and send me your suggestions for how to make the blog better.
Also– this is important!!! If you came to JWN through the URL: www.justworld.blogspot.com, or through any bookmark or other path that linked to that URL, then you need to know that I won’t be sending JWN posts to that URL any longer. The URL that is the best one to use from here on is the following: www.justworldnews.org.
So please make a note of that, and change your bookmarks as necessary. Thanks!
THE ‘CON’ IN ‘NEO-CON’:
THE ‘CON’ IN ‘NEO-CON’: I was just re-reading (and correcting a typo or two in) yesterday’s post about Chalabi. And it came to me with the proverbial blinding flash! Now we know what the ‘con’ in ‘neo-con’ really stands for!
And we thought it was “conservative.” No, friends, these guys (Perle, Wolfie, BAD, and friends) are anything but conservative. They are rabid, wild-eyed radicals.
And “con” just stands for itself.
CHALABI DOUBLY DISCREDITED:
CHALABI DOUBLY DISCREDITED: Ahmad Chalabi, the sleazemeister of Jordan’s Petra Bank scandal, has now been completely discredited on two key claims he made when he successfully “sold” himself and his ambitions for Iraq to Bombs-Away Don in the months leading up to the US invasion.
The first of these was that he had extensive networks of supporters inside Iraq who would rise joyfully to greet him and his US military pals as “liberators” when they entered Iraq.
The second was that he could provide to the US and their British allies insider information (presumably, from members of those same “networks”?) extensive and reliable details of many aspects of Saddam Hussein’s very advanced and dangerous WMD programs.
Well, it didn’t take many hours after the launching of the offensive against Iraq for the claim about Chalabi’s “extensive networks of supporters” to become discredited. The invasion proved NOT to be the promised cakewalk. And– as a matter of even greater continuing importance– the claims Chalabi had made about being easily able to negotiate the installation of a pliant, pro-US (and even, pro-Israeli) governing structure inside post-Saddam Iraq, based on those elusive networks of supporters, have also proven quite unfounded.
So the US is now mired inside Iraq for the long haul.
No surprise there, to me. Sadly.
Which brings me to the whole “WMD” issue. (Quite apart from the fact that ‘WMD’ itself is a highly misleading term, that has been deliberately introduced into this whole discourse by those who seek to gloss over the fact that there is a huge difference– in actual effect, as in the structures of international arms-control agreements– between nuclear weapons, on the one hand, and biological and chemical weapons, on the other… In the Middle East, there is only ONE state that has an existing nuclear-weapons capability. It ain’t Iraq, and it ain’t Iran… )
But here’s the thing. Thus far, the total fallaciousness of all the overblown claims that Bombs-Away Don, the Prez, their pals, and even their hired hand Colin Powell made about Iraq’s so-called ‘existing WMD capabilities’ has not become a huge issue within the US body politic.
Nothing like the size of an issue it has already become, for example, for Tony Blair, inside the British body politic.
But as Iraq turns into more and more of a Vietnam-like quagmire for the Bush administration (see Chalabi false claim #1 above), then the questioning inside the US as to “How on earth did our country get into this mess in Iraq?” will evidently become more pointed. (Think Gulf of Tonkin.)
At which point, the character of the so-called “evidence” on Saddam’s WMD programs will inevitably come under greater and greater scrutiny.
Meanwhile, of course, the COST to the US taxpayer of sustaining the large-scale military occupation inside Iraq will become far, far higher than Wolfowitz and Co. had projected– not just because of the size of the occupation force required and the length of its stay (reason for both of which being Chalabi false claim #1), but also because of the reluctance of other powers to join in an occupation venture which was launched on the basis of such inaccurate and deliberately manipulated “evidence” about the alleged WMD programs.
I have seen numerous signs that there’s a lot of anger out there, in the international community, about the increasingly evident deceptiveness of the grounds on which the Bushites first of all launched the war against Iraq, and then tried to strongarm as many weak governments as they could into joining the so-called “coalition”. This feeling of having been deceived has probably only been further stoked by Wolfie’s recent boasts to Vanity Fair about how the ‘WMD issue’ was used (manipulated?) primarily for bureaucratic reasons, rather than because it had any particular merit. It is a feeling that will certainly make other governments think twice or thrice about responding positively to the administration’s pleas that they contribute either troops or treasure to Washington’s continuing tasks regarding the administration of Iraq…
Which will put the onus for staffing and paying for the lengthy occupation of Iraq firmly back where it belongs: on the shoulders of the US.
But heck! That’s you and me, US taxpayers!! This is going to cost us real dough!!!
… So who got us into this situation, then?
The easy thing is to blame Ahmad Chalabi. However, contrary to what you might infer from reading the above, I don’t put the primary responsibility on him. Hey, the guy’s an operator! He was easily able to roll all those thousands of small investors who lost their savings in the Petra Bank– and, for quite a while, the Jordanian bank regulators, too.
So, do we blame him for trying to “roll” the US government when he got a chance? Possibly, yes. To some extent. But much more than Chalabi, I place the blame on the shoulders of those within this administration who were his willing dupes, who placed US foreign policy, billions of dollars of US taxpayer money, and the lives of scores of US soldiers (as well as untold thousands of Iraqis) totally and uncritically in hock to this proven conman.
And they would be?? Well, I’m sure that you, my readers, are smart enough to figure this out.
THE NEXUS BETWEEN GENOCIDE AND WAR:
THE NEXUS BETWEEN GENOCIDE AND WAR: Last night, I watched “The Pianist”. Again. The first time was back at the beginning of the month, in Johannesburg. But last night, my spouse brought the video home from the video store. So I decided to sit down and watch it again, with him.
It is a remarkable, gut-wrenching movie. Adrien Brody has such a haunting, haunted face, and plays the expressions on it like a true maestro. The story only occasionally seemed overdone. (A couple of tropes apparently borrowed from other people’s trails of tears: the Gestapo-forcing-the-Jews-to-dance thing; the woman-who-had-to-smother-her-own-baby thing. But who knows? Maybe those were in Szpilman’s original book, and before that, in his life. In which case, forget what I said about tropes.*)
Generally, the movie takes you right along with Vladek as his family is squeezed by the Nazis’ ever-increasing encroachments on their lives and liberties. He loses everyone and everything around him. And he gains– well, he gains an other-worldly personal affect even as the story of what happens to him becomes more and more “fantastickal”. As well as deadly true and truly deadly.
The movie almost takes you inside the experience of being the survivor of a genocide. Of course, as I watched it, I remembered survivors’ narratives that I heard from people I interviewed last year, in Rwanda. In some of the movie’s early scenes, firstly as ever more and more restrictions were placed on Warsaw’s Jews, and then as they were herded into the tight confines of the ghetto, I thought of the current travails of my Palestinian friends…
But the movie also reminded me of something I first started reflecting on some weeks ago: namely, that while hate-inciters and other various assorted sickoes can be found in every society, it seems to be only in the circumstances of an all-out war that such people and grouplets actually get to act out the full sickness of their genocidal ambitions.
I think this feels like a fairly significant insight. Think of Germany, think of Rwanda, think of Saddam’s Anfal campaign. All of them carried out under the “fog of war”.
This is NOT to say, at all, that genocide is “just another one of the things that gets to happen in war.” It is NOT just another “excess” of the war situation. It deserves to be treated seriously, and with deep opprobrium. (There is something in me that says that the twice-over intentionality that is built into all the international-law definitions of genocide may, however, be a bit overblown. The central tragedy of a genocide seems to me to be–as Gerard Prunier remarked in a discussion I had with him in 2001, that it wipes out “everything that might be a vehicle through which a person might hope to leave any personal legacy in the world.” But then, if your entire ethnic or religious or whatever kind of group ends up getting wiped out because of, say, avoidable famine or some such cause, does that feel any different to a victim from being wiped out because someone hates your particular group? I don’t think so. Indeed, you could say that being genocided because of intention pays the target group more heed–even if heed of the most hateful kind–than being genocided out of sheer inattention…)
Be that as it may.
I postulate that the reason for the nexus between genocide and war is because, in time of war, so many of people’s “normal” inhibitions–and primarily, the normal inhibition against killing– have to be suppressed. This then allows sick individuals and grouplets who advocate genocidal, mass killings to gain a much wider and more sympathetic hearing than they could ever get in normal times. Plus, there is all the fear and hysteria of war-time discourse: the frequently exaggerated fears of hostile “fifth columns” whose members–often thought in many people’s minds to be members of a certain rethnic or religious group– need to be rooted out. Etc., etc.
So here’s a simple policy prescription. If this nexus exists, then one very effect way to “prevent” genocide– an obligation that the 1948 Genocide Convention lays on all members of the international community– would be to prevent war.
Tell me what YOU think.
A SOUTH AFRICAN IN VIRGINIA:
A SOUTH AFRICAN IN VIRGINIA: Emily Mnisi is an ethnic Sothu with a Master’s degree in special education from the University of Lancaster. These days, she’s on the management team of a farm-based therapeutic community for adults with mental disabilities, near Johannesburg. It’s called Cluny Farm.
Back at the beginning of the month, when my daughter Leila and I were in South Africa, Emily took us around a bit, including on a really interesting tour of Soweto. Last weekend, Emily and I were both in Philadelphia for a working reunion of the 14 folks who took part in last summer’s International Quaker Working Party on the Israel-Palestine Conflict. And since she had a couple of days free afterwards, I invited her to come back down to Virginia with me.
So I spent the past couple of days doing various things in and around my hometown, Charlottesville, with Emily. I knew in advance that hosting Emily here would be fun. But it was also very instructive.
Given her field of expertise, I thought she would find it interesting to visit a similar kind of farm-based therapeutic community that’s just half an hour away from here. It’s called Innisfree. And though I’d never visited it before, I’d heard a lot of good things about it, and was quite happy to arrange to take her there for a visit.
Innisfree Executive Director Lee Walters couldn’t have been kinder. She gave us two hours of her time yesterday morning, and she and Emily exchanged many ideas and impressions about their two remarkably similar projects.
In the afternoon, I’d arranged a visit to Work Source Enterprises, a C’ville-based non-profit that provides a wide range of employment/empowerment services for adults with mental disabilities. Again, I’d heard vaguely about their work beforehand, but never been there. There, Vice President John Santoski showed us around.
In a way, I was even more impressed with WSE, since it is community based, and it tries to serve the entire community (with some emphasis on the needs of low-income people).
Another thing that these two visits– and a couple of other ones that we made around town– brought home to me was the importance to people with disabilities of our area’s ‘JAUNT’ transportation system for people with disabilities. It is this system that allows people with disabilities to get to workplaces, doctors’ appointments, and generally around town…
Okay. I am sure that many of my readers have known all about such matters, and have understood them well, for many years already. Yes, I “knew” them, at an intellectual level beforehand, too. But somehow, seeing this wonderful array of services being provided to people with disabilities in our community– and seeing it alongside Emily, who’s deeply involved with South Africa’s efforts to empower its disabled population as much as possible– well, somehow it made me value what John and Lee and all their colleagues do in our community even more than I did before.
And it made me want to guard their really life-giving programs against all the budgetary depradations that are heading toward them from Washington like some massive tsunami.
And it made me want to take all the gazillions of dollars-worth of resources that the US federal government is pouring into weaponry and other means of coercion of non-American peoples around the globe– and pour it instead into starting just exactly THESE kinds of programs for other people around the world, instead.
(One early reaction Emily gave, after she rode down here with me on the train from DC, and then figured out that we’d traversed only one small part of one of the 50 states of the USA, was to say– “But, you Americans have such a big, beautiful country here! Why do you have to– ” I think it was politeness that prevented her from finishing the sentence. )
What the folks in South Africa are trying to do is so big, and so brave, and so inspiring! They are trying, I think, inside their one country, to do something that we all ought to be aiming to do at the GLOBAL level. Starting with a grossly inequitable system based on race– apartheid– they’ve been trying to transform it into one that provides at least a decent level of human services to everyone, regardless of race.
(Of course, Emily had many poignant stories of what it was like to grow up under apartheid. I don’t want to appropriate them and tell them here. I want HER to write her own stories for the rest of us! What I will just recount, quickly, is her tale of walking three miles to school each day, and three miles home at the end of the day– and seeing a small handful of white kids ride by her on a big, nearly-empty school bus… She noted, too, that while the girls from her community had to walk, some of the boys were given bikes to ride to school… Also, their school, locked in the “Bantu” education system, only went up to Standard Five. After that, to finish all the way through high school, she had to do the rest of it on her own, at home, by correspondence… But really, wait till she writes her own story, and that of the parents whom she describes in loving terms as, “incredibly resourceful.”)
So, anyway, instead of the communities and governments from the rich world just shoveling resources into building decent human-development systems for our sisters and brothers living in the poor world– we shovel them instead into weapons, and armies, and mechanisms of control?
What is our problem?? I think we are the ones with the most serious disability. Call it moral-attention deficit disorder. Call it mean-spiritedness. Call it blindness. Whatever it is, we need to deal with it.
SHARON USES THE ‘O’ WORD:
SHARON USES THE ‘O’ WORD: Might the fragile-seeming Mideast ‘roadmap’ have some legs after all? The most intriguing indication that this just might be so came from reports that were leaked out of a seemingly stormy encounter Monday afternoon between Ariel Sharon and some of his colleagues in the Likud Party leadership.
According to these reports, which were relayed breathlessly to a waiting outside world by Reuters and the Israel daily Ha’Aretz, among others, Sharon actually confronted his colleagues with some harsh truths about the nature of Israel’s longterm administration of military rule over the lives of the 3.5 million Palestinian residents of the occupied territories.
“We don’t like the word, but this is occupation,” Reuters reported him as saying. “To keep 3.5 million Palestinians under occupation is bad for Israel and the Palestinians…We need to get away from this in a way that won’t hurt our security. This cannot continue forever.”
Hallelujah!!
Sharon’s confrontation with his colleagues came one day after the Likud members in the government showed themselves badly split over how to vote in the government’s vote on the four-party International Roadmap for an Israeli-Palestinian Peace. Sharon’s motion that the government support the roadmap squeaked through by only one vote, with many abstentions– and a number of Likud leaders were among the abstainers.
I wonder how many decades it has been– if indeed it has ever happened before–since a leader of Likud used this particular “‘O’ word”? For decades now, Likud and all the rest of Israel’s territorial maximalists have studiously avoided ever using it. And in addition, they have exerted massive efforts in order to force other people not to use it, either. The territories in question– that is, the West Bank, Gaza (and Golan)– are always referred to, when specification of their status is necessary, as either “the administered territories”, or “the territories.” Occasionally, if they were feeling very generous, Likud people would allow as to how these lands might be “disputed territories”.
Well, actually, Golan and a hugely expanded version of East Jerusalem are not even considered to be in these categories, since the Israeli Knesset unilaterally annexed them in respectively 1981 and 1967. But no-one else of any note has ever recognized those acts of annexation as legitimate.
And then, the rest of the West Bank– after expanded East Jeruslaem was gouged out of it– was referred to by the Biblical tags “Yehuda and Shomron” (Judea and Samaria).
So now, finally, in 2003, Sharon utters the word “occupation”.
It is true, he uses this to refer only to the people of the occupied territories, rather than to the territories themselves. (That should be the next step.) But still, it is excellent that he has come to recognize and name the nature of the administrative arrangement according to which the Israeli government has–for 36 long years now– come to exercize military rule over the Palestinian people of these lands.
According to Ha’Aretz’s version, Sharon told the Likud meeting Monday afternoon, “It is not possible to continue holding three and a half million people under occupation… This is a terrible thing for Israel, for the Palestinians and for the Israeli economy. Today 1.8 million Palestinians live thanks to support from international organization. Do you want to take responsible [sic] for them yourselves? I do not think that it is right to control Bethlehem and Ramallah.”
Well, of course there are more ways than one to end Israel’s occupation over the Palestinian PEOPLE. One way would be the way advocated by extremists inside the Israeli government like Tourism Minister Benny Elon. He advocates widescale “transfer”– that is, the ethnic cleansing of large numbers of Palestinians out of the West Bank and Gaza, into neighboring countries.
That way, Israel would get the land, and Jordan or Egypt would get the “responsibility” for the looking after its now already deeply pauperized Palestinian population.
That’s why it is important to urge Sharon to go one stage further, and giver explicit recognition not only that the nature of Israel’s relationship to the people of the West Bank and Gaza is one of “occupation”, but that its relationship to those territories themselves is also one of “occupation”.
Because “occupation”– as everyone involved in this business either states openly, or implicitly admits by their very employment of complicated circumlocutions– is not an acceptable longterm situation.
So I really want to applaud Sharon for having started to use the O word. But he needs to go on and use it in reference to the lands concerned, and not just the people…
He also needs to take concrete steps that show that the “support” he has now grudgingly extended to the Roadmap will be actualized in concrete steps his government can and should take, starting now. Like, for example, ordering the total halt on all new construction activity in connection with the settlements project in the occupied territories and the dismantlement of the so-called “illegal” settlements. (Of course, under international law, ALL the settlements are quite illegal.)
Will he take such steps? Unlike his good buddy Bill Safire, I cannot read his mind.
But some of what he reportedly said at Monday’s Likud meeting did not augur well for the prospect of him taking such actions. Questioned by one Likud MP who’s a resident of the “Ariel” mega-settlement in the northern West Bank, Sharon soothingly replied that the roadmap did allow for the continued building of settlement housing. “It certainly allows the unlimited building for your children and grandchildren, and I hope even for your great-grandchildren,” he was reported as saying.
Despite such warning signs as this though, still, I just have to savor the moment of reading about Sharon’s encounter with the ‘O’ word.
PUMLA’S BOOK:
PUMLA’S BOOK: I’m writing this, sitting on Amtrak train 94, traveling from Washington DC to Philadelphia. Beforehand, on the connecting bus from Charlottesville up to DC, I read a most amazing book, that I want to write these notes on before I forget. Also, I’ll probably be giving my copy of it to my friend Emily Mnisi soon, before she returns to South Africa. I learned when I was there earlier this month that the book isn’t out there yet.
Well, the book is Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela’s book, “A Human Being Died that Night: A South African Story of Forgiveness.” I’ve been looking forward to reading it for quite a while. I’ve read a few of her shorter articles, and enjoyed them. But the book goes to a whole new level of insight and inspiration…
Dr. G-M is a professor of clinical psychology at the University of Cape Town. (I tried to get hold of her when I was there, but was unable to.) Back in the apartheid days, she was occasionally called on to do psychological evaluations of youths being tried for various violent crimes. Then, with the transition to democracy, she joined one of the committees of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. One of her tasks was to set up hearings and outreach programs for former victims of apartheid-era violence throughout the Western Cape region.
In September 1997, she was present in a TRC hearing where one of the most notoriously murederous apparatchiks of the apartheid repression apparatus, Eugene de Kock, was present at a hearing into an incident called the Motherwell incident in which five white security police men had been involved in killing three black policemen (and one passer-by). G-M doesn’t give many details about that incident except to suggest that the black policement needed to be “silenced” because they knew too much… Anyway, De Kock was there as the person who had given the five perpetrators the order to carry out their task.
Afterwards, he astonished G-M by asking to meet privately with the widows of the slain men. Two of them agreed. G-M doesn’t give us any details of what he said to them during that meeting (where his lawyer, and a lawyer supporting the two bereaved women were also present.) A few days later, G-M met the two women, Pearl Faku and Doreen Mgoduka:
“‘I was profoundly touched by him,’ Mrs. Faku said of her encounter with de Kock. Both women felt that de Kock had communicated to them something he felt deeply and had acknowledged their pain. ‘I couldn’t control my tears… I hope that when he sees our tears, he knows that they are not only tears for our husbands, but tears for him as well… I would like to hold him by the hand, and show him that there is a future, and that he can still change.'” (pp. 14-15)
That account from Mrs. Faku sent G-M off on a quest of her own. Using her own professional skills, she determined she’d try to contact de Kock and talk to him to try to understand him and his actions better.
At that time, de Kock’s nickname in the South African media was “Prime Evil”. In fact, he was already in jail, serving a sentence for other murderous “excesses” he’d committed while he was head of the notorious Volkplaas security compound, located on a farm of that name near Pretoria.
G-M must be a pretty good clinical interviewer. (How does a psychologists evaluatory/investigative interview differ from a journalist’s, I wonder? Or a historian’s? Or a police interrogator’s?) But evidently, from that very first, three-plus-hour encounter with him in his cell in “C-max” maximum-security prison, she knew how to draw him out, and get him to describe the explanatory and justificatory world he had lived in during the apartheid era. Some of what he told her rings incredubly true regarding the actions of the Israelis towards the Palestinians, today. Here is what I assume to be her paraphrasing of some of what he had told her:
“‘Preemptive killing’ at the time was designed to build strust among whte voters and to show apartheid politicians that the country’s security police were doing their job efficiently.
“‘We had to be seen to be on top of the ANC threat at all costs, de Kock explained. ‘If there was a lot of trouble in an area, I would send my men to contact sources to come over. We would start phoning, say, a chap, a source, back in Botswana. We would cover all bases in order to hit back hard. At the same time– you see, there had to be something happening.'” (p.30)
This idea of “pre-emptive killing” being carried out mainly to satisfy the (perceived or real) political demands of one’s own side– rather than necessarily serving any well-thoughout-out political-military strategy– is one that once you think about it, truly boggles the mind. People must DIE for that?? Well, I guess it’s bad enough that they die, that they ARE KILLED, anyway, for whatever reason… But somehow, what de Kock told G-M can easily be translated almost directly to the kinds of brutal policies that the Sharon government has been following. Policies that include, of course, what is called “targeted killing” (as though that gives ity some kind of pseudo-scientific justification– but that remains, like apartheid’s ‘preemptive killings’, just a policy of quite extrajudicial killings-in-cold-blood.
Well, moving right along here. G-M’s book is a profound reflection not just on what made Eugene de Kock into a cold-blooded murderer– in fact, she doesn’t go into that in anything like the depth I was expecting, at least, not at the level of his own individual biography, his history of abuse at the hands of his father when young, etc., etc. (I think her concern was much more with what it was in the kind of thinking that dominted Afrikaner culture and society during the apartheid years that had led to him being who he was, and acting as he did. To that extent, she seems to accept much of his own argument that, evil though he might have been, in fact he more like a ‘foot soldier’ who did those things under implicit or near-explicit orders from those higher in the government than he, than he was a ‘general’ in his owen right.)
But in addition to exploring that whole complex of issues, G-M is also prepared to go to more challenging, difficult places. She is not afraid to look at issues of violence committed by black South Africans, as well as violence committed by whites. With huge honesty, she describes (pp.10-11) her own role as a supportive bystander during an incident in 1990, in Umtata, the “capital” of the apartheid-engineered “bantustan” of Transkei, when an army officer alleged to be acting on behalf of Pretoris was thwarted by pro-ANC troops and activists from launching a pro-Pretoria coup there:
“Gunfire echoed in the streets and over our heads… Depite the fact that it was clear that people could be seriously injured, despite all of that, I was waiting for the moment when I would celebrate victory with those multitudes watching in the streets. The moment of victory did arriove. The officer who was leading the coup, Captain Craig Duli, was ‘captured’. There was jubilation throughout Umtata. My car was filled to the brim; soldiers perched wherever there was space, hoisting their R1 rifles in the air through the windows as I honked and drove in circles in a spirit of celebration…
“As the true nature of the events emerged, and we heard how the mutilated body of Captain Duli had been thrown into the trunk of any army vehiclke, and how he later either died of his wounds or was shot along with others who had sided with him, I realized that I had beern party to the killing of another human being. I had knowingly participated in an incident that would certainly result in the taking of a life. In my moind the point was not whether I could have done anything to stop it or not, but simply that I had been there, celebrating.”(p.11)
In this same spirit of relentless examination of both self and in-group, G-M explores the issue of ‘necklacing’, that is, the “punitive” action young black militants would take against suspected regime informers in the 1980s, when they would put a tire around thei suspect’s neck, fill it with gasoline, and then ignite it.
“In relation to the necklace murders, were black people who were bystanders to these gruesome human burnings really in a similar situation to that of the South African white community, who chose to believe official reports in the newspapers about the war that South Africa was fighting? Are the roles of perpetrator, victim, and bystander so mutually interchangeable?
“‘We failed our children,’ said oone [presumably black] woman during interviewsd I was conducting in Mlungisi, an Eastern Cape township once devastated by apartheid’s war and by necklace murders. ‘We failed to protect them, not just those who were burnt by the necklace, but those who did this terrible thing. We sat here and watched. We did or said nothing. The whole community. We sat here hoping somebody will do something to break this cycle of insanity. It has left us with this terrible unhealable scar, knowning that we could have, but we didn’t.'” (p.75)
… Anyway, this post comes to you from the City of Brotherly Love, Philadelphia, where I’ll be for the rest of the weekend.