Not irritating, not provincial

So I guess the word got out to Imshin of Not a Fish! that I had been describing her on the Main Page of JWN as a “sassy (if sometimes irritatingly provincial-Israeli) working mother”. She recently changed the title of her blog to Not a Fish (provincially speaking), indicating that she has a robust sense of humor.
Then, around the same time (this was last Sunday), she wrote a great and lengthy post that seemed quite clearly to deal with the charge that she was “irritatingly provincial.” I thought it was so articulate and expressed so much of what many of my Israeli friends seem to feel in one way or another that I urge you to go read it.
She wrote another one, a couple of days later, with her recollections of the inter-communal confrontations inside Israel in October 2000 that left 13 Israelis of Palestinian ethnicity (whom she calls “Israeli Arabs”) and at least one Jewish Israeli person dead. Again, written from the heart and expressing an important take on those events. Read that one, too.
Then yesterday, she had a great little post with a link to an amazing web-based resource called “Grow a Brain” that has onward links on many topics Israeli and Middle Eastern.
So darn it, now I have to go into my Main Index Template yet again and take out that “irritatingly provincial” bit about her.
Finally, on a lighter note, this from my son Tarek in Boston, which he sent hoping it would bring “a smile for your day.”
I was just on the phone with him. I told him it reminded me of the time about 12 years ago that I took him and the other two kids to Normandy. I took some great pix of them clambering around on top of some of the old tanks that are there as part of the memorial of the D-Day landings. One of these pics I sent to my Dad in England, with a caption of something like “the triumph of youth over militarism.”
Now, my Dad had actually been on the Normandy beaches– he went over on about D-plus-4, I think. He told me a little sternly, “My dear,” he said (rocking back and forth on his heels– or am I only imagining that? JM, I miss you!) “–My dear, if it hadn’t been for people fighting in tanks like that you probably wouldn’t even have been here.”
Food for thought, yes. My personal take is that it may have been the US Civil War that was the hardest one for Quakers to take a pacifist position on….

Setbacks for the monarchs of spin

Lots happening that I’ve been wanting to blog about. First, a good discussion about the utility of war developing on the Comments board under the next post down: check it out.
Second, the emergence of details on the great story of how Colin Powell and the Pentagon brass out-maneuvered Rumsfeld and the neo-con Pentagon suits in order to get Washington to take the Iraq dossier back to the UN. A good story on this today in the Wash. Post
The story, by Dana Milbank and Thomas E. Ricks, starts off:

    On Tuesday, President Bush’s first day back in the West Wing after a month at his ranch, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell walked into the Oval Office to present something close to a fait accompli.
    In what was billed as a routine session, Powell told Bush that they had to go to the United Nations with a resolution seeking a U.N.-sanctioned military force in Iraq — something the administration had resisted for nearly five months. Powell, whose department had long favored such an action, informed the commander in chief that the military brass supported the State Department’s position despite resistance by the Pentagon’s civilian leadership. Bush and his national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, whose office had been slow to embrace the U.N. resolution, quickly agreed, according to administration officials who described the episode.
    Thus was a long and high-stakes bureaucratic struggle resolved, with the combined clout of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the State Department persuading a reluctant White House that the administration’s Iraq occupation policy, devised by Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, simply was not working.
    The effort by Powell and the military began with a t

Not exactly “umbrage”

After yesterday’s quick post here on a topic Juan Cole had raised that seemed to me to equate participating in antiwar marches was the equivalent of “marching for Saddam”, Juan sent me a well-expressed and thoughtful e-mail in response. Then he put a reference to this discussion up onto his blog. Right down at the bottom of this post today, he wrote:

    Helena Cobban took umbrage at my saying originally “march to keep Saddam in power” because she felt it was a slur against anti-war protesters, implying that that was their goal. I wasn’t, however, talking about other people; I was talking about my own ethical stance. I knew for a fact that Saddam was not going to be overthrown by internal forces and that he was committing virtual genocide against people like the Marsh Arabs. For me, marching against the war would have been done in knowledge that it would result in Saddam staying in power. She wants me to apologize. I’m always glad to apologize. I don’t see what it costs you to say you are sorry about hurting someone’s feelings inadvertently. But I didn’t mean, in my own mind, what she read me to mean, in the first place. I think an anti-war position was ethically defensible; it just wasn’t the position I was comfortable with. I think it mattered, too, whether you actually knew and interacted with Iraqi Shiites and Kurds very much.

I am certainly happy to accept his explanation, viz., that he was talking about his own choices not anyone else’s. Maybe I’m overly sensitive. There have certainly been many slurs thrown around to that effect against opponents of the war.
I’m not so happy to be described as “taking umbrage”. I grew up in a family where people were constantly accusing others of “taking umbrage”. I take it to mean some kind of a passive-aggressive hissy-fit, which I think belittles the seriousness of the points that I raised. “Offense”, maybe I took. “Umbrage”, no.
Also, I notably didn’t ask Juan to apologize (though I gracefully accept the apology he offered.) I suggested he might want to enact a little remorse over the affair. A small point, maybe. But I am very interested in the mechanistics of how people get beyond differences, and I tend to think that a process of remonstrance/reproach followed by discussion, (preferably enacted) remorse, and then reintegration is more effective at building or repairing longterm relationships than the traditional western sequence of accusation, confession/apology, and forgiveness.
Anyway, back to the larger issue: I have known and interacted with many Iraqi Kurds and Shi-ites, though probably not as many or as closely as Juan. It was a terrible dilemma, fuguring out how to be effective as non-stakeholders (outsiders) in helping them throw off the yoke of Saddamist, authoritarian misrule. Just as it still is, regarding the people of Burma, or North Korea, or a number of other rights hell-holes around the world. Juan says he “knew for a fact” that Saddam wasn’t going to be overthrown by internal forces. I can’t be quite as definitive about that as he was; but certainly, it looked highly unlikely that that would happen anytime in the foreseeable future.
But he seems to assume it was internal rebellion– or externally launched war. That there was, in other words, no other alternative.
I wonder if he says that about North Korea or Burma?
Maybe I know war better than he does. I have lived as a mother of small kids through one, for a number of years. And I have studied wars and their tragic sequelae in a number of places throughout the Middle East and the rest of the world. My main conclusions? War is always (a) massively harmful to the rights and even lives of large civilian populations, and (b) unpredictable.
Now I happen to agree with Juan that, broadly speaking, it was unwise (and possibly also, given their level of terrorization, unfair) to insist that the Iraqi people should be left with the total responsibility of liberating themselves. But still, the only alternatives were not between war (= infliction of massive rights abuses from a distance) and doing nothing. If we ever come to a point in human affairs where those are the only choices, it’ll be a truly tragic day.
But no, there were other options available–theoretically, at least. So what we need to do is start working hard to persuade people to make those theoretical options a real possibility. Like my suggestion of having the UN create a robust UNMOVIC-style operation devoted to “monitoring, observing, and verifying” the compliance of various autocratic regimes with the UN’s own human-rights instruments. Or perhaps, through the rapid expansion and upgrading of something like the new Nonviolent Peaceforce.
Goodness! If human ingenuity can invent the atom bomb, theater missile defense systems, “Daisy Cutter” heavy ordnance, and all those other whizz-bang instruments of death and destruction, surely we can design and start implementing their nonviolent equivalents in short order– and for a fraction of the cost!
Meantime, I’m sure Juan won’t take amiss my reminding y’all of this: the casualty toll in Iraq continues to grow.

Marching for Saddam?

In his “Informed Comment” blog, Juan Cole recently wrote:

    I wasn’t exactly for the war, I was just unable to bring myself to march to keep Saddam in power.

I don’t think that implication is at all a fair one to make. As someone who marched and undertook a lot of other activities to try to prevent Bombs-Away Don and his cronies from launching that disastrous war, I never for one moment thought I was “marching to keep Saddam in power”.
I think Juan should know my work and my writings well enough to know that. And he probably knows enough other people in the anti-war movement that, on a moment’s reflection, he would recognize that his blanket charge against all the anti-war marchers/protesters/activists is unfounded and unfair.
Juan has been so wise on so many issues in the Middle East that his slur hurts. I know he shares with me an strong commitment to the wellbeing of the peoples of the Middle East. In that same post he gives as the reason for his support for the war (which he admitted was “tepid”), Saddam’s record of iterated genocides against Iraq’s Kurds and Shi-ites. Unlike the whole elaborate constructs of fabricated nonsense about Iraq’s alleged WMDs, or its alleged links with Al-Qaeda, the argument about Saddam’s appalling and incontestable record of human-rights abuses is a serious one to which opponents of the war need to give intense consideration.
I have started to do this. Back at the end of June (and again at the end of July), I argued here on JWN that yes, we should all–governments, NGOs, and the global citizenry–have dealt far more effectively with the Iraqi human rights situation all along, but that, crucially, there were certainly ways of doing this other than, and probably much more effectively than, the launching of a war.
The one I have proposed is the creation– for Saddam’s Iraq, or perhaps for North Korea, Burma, or other grossly rights-abusing totalitarian regimes today– of a human-rights UNMOVIC.
I would love for Juan to retract his slur and (as a way, perhaps, of enacting his remorse over expressing it) to join with me in brainstorming ways that the rights situation of people living under totalitarian dictatorships can be improved in ways other than the unleashing of that unfailingly destructive and harmful instrument, war.
What d’you think, Juan? All that and a new semester of teaching, as well?

News from all over Africa (and elsewhere)

There’s a new blog, “Mostly AFRICA” which has been up just over a week and looks like incredible, one-stop shopping for the obsessed-with-Africa brigade.
The author, who doesn’t post a name, has links to a particularly rich collection of background pieces about today’s election in Rwanda.
Now that I’m an old-timer at this blogging business– nearly seven months now!– I can say it’s really great to see new people coming into the blogosphere.
Riverbend from Iraq is getting better and better. Time for me to put in the permanent link to her blog. But it means getting up close and personal with something called the “Main Index template” which still for some reason scares me.
Go on Helena, you can do it!
(p.s. I did it.)

Inquiries in UK and Oz

It’s been a riveting week at the Hutton Commission of Inquiry in the UK, and next week promises even more fireworks with Defence Secretary Geoff Hoon called to appear next Wednesday and none other than Tony Blair next Thursday.
Meanwhile in Oz, PM John Howard is also coming in for some tough questioning regarding allegations that people in his office, too, had “sexed up” the intel on Iraqi WMDs in an attempt to shoe-horn the Australian public into supporting the launching of the war.
Down under there, there hasn’t yet been any development as dramatic as last month’s killing (or suicide) of British WMD expert David Kelly, which forced Blair to appoint an indpendent judicial inquiry under Lord Hutton to investigate all the circs surrounding Kelly’s death. Lord H is keeping up a cracking pace of near-daily hearings, calling 6-12 witnesses per week. He plans to adjourn the hearing and start writing his report on Sept. 25.
In Australia, the venue is a parliamentary inquiry, and the pace more leisurely. Today, that inquiry heard a blistering attack on Howard from former Office of National Assessments senior analyst Andrew Wilkie– the same guy who resigned in March to express his outrage at the launching of the war.

Continue reading “Inquiries in UK and Oz”

Riverbend arrives

Another great blog from a strong, authentic Iraqi voice. Riverbend describes herself as a 24-year-old Iraqi female who survived the war. She’s been writing for about a week and has a fresh and intelligent way of describing her life.
Thanks to Salam of “Where is Raed” for pointing me to her. I’ll get a link to Riverbend up on the main page here as soon as I can get into that template again.
She is especially good on A. Chalabi. See this post, and this one.
But she’s also good at just describing the ordinary, daily, and existentially scary things about being an Iraqi in Iraq these days.

Britain’s important Commission of Inquiry

Those of you who are close observers of UK affairs will already know that the Hutton Commission, whose mandate is “urgently to conduct an investigation into the circumstances surrounding [the recent death of British WMD expert Dr. David Kelly]”, has a well-organized and informative website.
The Commission’s staff manages to get the transcripts of each day’s hearings up onto the site within hours, and they are also putting up all the key pieces of documentary evidence as PDF files. Thursday, all relevant sub-poenaed documents that have not already been introduced as evidence will be put up onto the site in a batch.
I had a fascinating time last night, as I cruised the site reading internal memoes between Blair spinmeister Alistair Campbell and other cabinet and civil-service employees about the production of last September’s “dodgy dossier”…
My main impression to date is that, in the the UK as in the US, the political leaders first determined what they wanted to see presented as the “facts” regarding Iraq’s still oh-so-eulsive WMDs, and then told their intel people to go and find any evidence they could that would “support” those “facts”.
Then, when the inevitable questions arose about the quality of that evidence–as happened in London much faster than in Washington– the pols worked hard to bring the intel bosses into line with the views that (1) they had always thought the “evidence” was sound at the time it was presented to the public, and (2) there had never been any political tampering with the sanctity of the intelligence-assessment process.
Hence these sad spectacles of George Tenet being brought into line by the Prez here in the States, and a similar process occurring in the UK.
Of course, the long-term implications of all this for the integrity and morale of the professional intelligence-analysis apparatuses in these two countries are quite horrifying to think about.

Tragedies, tragedies

I was stunned by yesterday’s bombing of the UN HQ in Baghdad. Why the UN? Why Sergio Vieira de Mello, and so many other members of his team?
I was relieved to learn this morning that our dear friend Ghassan Salameh, now working as the UN mission’s top political advisor in Baghdad, managed to survive. He was described in a story in Lebanon’s Daily Star this morning as pretty distraught over the death of his friend and boss de Mello, and said he’d spent the past four hours scrabbling through the rubble looking for survivors.
Another massive bombing on Jerusalem’s No.2 bus yesterday, as well. When I see the footage of these events, wherever they take place, I remember what it’s like to experience the immediate aftermath of such an attack. Body parts flung into unlikely places. Screams of anguish. Dust and rubble. A universe turned upside down. And then, the enduring sense of loss and of anguish.
International humanitarian law tries, quite rightly, to afford special protections to civilians (and to former combatants who are currently hors de combat.) That distinction is at the heart of the Geneva Conventions and all the rest of international humanitarian law. When you reflect on such horrifying actions as those that created yesterday’s carnage in Baghdad or Jerusalem, you see why such protections are particularly valuable, and why the standard of working hard and actively to avoid harm to noncombatants has to be a vital value for our world.
People who are combatants have taken a special vow when they entered the military. Their special status allows them to kill (people who are other combatants), with impunity. But it also means they accept the risks of being killed or wounded in the line of duty. Civilians have taken no such vow.
These two events were, it seems to me, the result of deliberate actions, designed, planned, and executed by sentient human beings. And these actions aimed deliberately at bringing death and mayhem to noncombatants.
We can, and should, discuss the role of intentionality in all this. Is death as a result of the intention of the perpetrator any qualitatively different– for the victim, for her survivors, for the rest of society–than death by as a result of the perpetrator’s reckless or even wilfull inattention?
After all, many more deaths worldwide are caused through the reckless inattention of decisionmakers who in many cases would not even see themselves as perpetrators of wrongdoing than are caused through the perpetrators’ focused intention.
But there is something about the intentional infliction of harm that I, and I suspect most other people, find particularly revolting. The intentional harm-causer will, after all, fine-tune his actions precisely so as to cause the maximum of harm. (I think of the driver of the cement-mixer in Baghdad carefully easing his explosive-packed vehicle into the right place to cause the maximum death and destruction.) The reckless harm-causer, by contrast, may adjust his actions to minimize harm if the possibility of harm is brought to his attention. The person whom I would describe as the wilfully inattentive harm-causer lies somewhere between those two…
But regardless of the role of intentionality, the proscription against causing harm to civilians has to be stressed again and again.
These two bombings have a clear potential to radically change the course of events in the Middle East, and throughout the world. They bring us several steps closer to the worldwide clash between militant Muslims and the rest of the world that is, I believe, one of the main goals of their perpetrators.
I deeply, deeply do not want this clash to develop further. If it does, the main casualties will be caused not amongst the rich, comfortable segment of global society, but amidst the poor and downtrodden, the communities where people’s social and economic situations have already been chronically troubled for decades, and where inter-group hatreds that are pursued under the banner of values that are claimed to be “religious” can cause almost unimaginable harm.
Think of much of the Third World being transformed into Lebanon. While the arms dealers and other chaos merchants of the comfortable world rake in their tidy profit.
Can we avoid this outcome? Yes, I believe we can. We need urgently to open a dialogue of conscience and of values around the world. The current decade is supposed to be the UN’s Decade of Nonviolence. Now that one of the UN’s finest has been killed by the forces of chaos and confrontation, it would be great if Kofi Annan would lead this new call for conscience and values. It would involve restating some important values on which the UN was founded, like those of national independence (for Iraqis) and of human equality (Israel/Palestine), and of peaceful and speedy resolution of outstanding conflicts…
Along the way, though, we also need to restate the core values of international humanitarian law, and work hard to re-establish the global consensus– in the Middle East, in Africa, and elswhere– that regardless of the nature of the conflict or oppression, causing damage to civilians is always wrong.
I note that this a core value of much of traditional Islamic writing on the constraints to be observed in times of war. We urgently need to initiate a global dialogue with Muslim political activists of all stripes on this issue.