I’ve been mainly immersed in matters Mozambican this week. (When I wasn’t doing other bits of work on Palestine or Rwanda…. Tenth anniversary of Rwandan genocide coming up April 7th. Great-sounding ‘Frontline’ special on that subject on April 1st. My contribution to it will be on their website, not on the broadcast.)
So anyway, back to Mozambique. I was writing about the landmark elections they had there in October 1994. Those were the country’s first-ever democratic elections. The commitment to holding them was enshrined in the General Peace Agreement that in October 1992 ended 17 years of truly devastating civil war between the Frelimo government and the Renamo insurrectionists…
There is at least one aspect of those elections that is of direct relevance to the elections hopefully to be planned soon inside Iraq– namely: the key role that the “international community” played not solely in helping to organize the elections but also, crucially, in certifying their outcome.
All of which bears out my theory that the esential “legitimacy” of a sovereign government has much to do with the ability of this government to win the recognition of its legitimacy by other governments, as well as its ability to win the “consent” of those over whom it governs. (Recognition of other beings as fully right-bearing persons also has much to do with the recognition of this status by other persons, as well. But that’s a whole different, though intriguingly parallel, line of enquiry.)
So, in Mozambique in 1994, the elections were due to be held October 27-28. But on October 25 the Renamo chief, Afonso Dhlakama suddenly went into a funk and declared that he and his people would not take part. Yikes! A similar thing had happened with the IFP, in South Africa’s elections just six months earlier–but ended up getting resolved. But in October 1992, in Angola, UNITA’s Jonas Savimbi had contested the results of the UN-sponsored elections immediately after his defeat in them had been announced; and he then reignited his insurgency against the Luanda government… And that horrifying civil war has only recently now been brought toward an end…
So in Mozambique, Dhlakama went to his home city, Beira, and holed up there, and refused to come down to the capital, Maputo.
All the diplomats who were in the country, desperately eager to see the elections work, went into a big tizzy. The South African Ambassador was the only one Dhlakama would talk to. He flew up to Beira and started talking to him. Dhlakama expressed all the complaints he had about Frelimo’s alleged misdeeds in the organization of the election…
Negotiations ensued. In the early morning of October 27, the head of the electoral commission, Brazao Mazula, announced that the two-day-long elections would go ahead as planned… Still no constructive word from Dhlakama… But the negotiations continued round the clock…
Continue reading “Elections, legitimacy, and the ‘international community’”