New Zealand notes, #2

    Another NZ piece I wanted to post earlier. But I’m home now, so once I get myself sorted out a bit after the trip I should be back to more regular posting.

Mike Roberts is a successful man. You can watch him adeptly
co-anchoring the hour-long evening news magazine on TV-3, or you can
see his face on billboards throughout the country. He has, by
his own reckoning “about one-third” Maori blood. But he
self-identifies strongly and confidently as a Maori.

Back in 1999 he decided to make a documentary about the life of his
(mostly Maori) father. He titled it “White sheep” He told me a bit about it:

Continue reading “New Zealand notes, #2”

New Zealand notes, #1

    I’m back in the US of A. On a beautiful mountaintop overlooking Los Angeles. Our family is gathering here for a short time to commemorate my mother-in-law, who passed away in mid-May.

    I finally have a faintly workable computer/internet setup, so I wanted to post at least the first of these screeds I wrote about New Zealand.

    Today, once again, we took a flight that crossed both the Equator and the International Date Line in one hop. I feel I’m in a time-warp but what the heck. The following was written on about June 27…

And so, what of New Zealand in the
winter-time?

We flew into Auckland, arriving really early on the morning of Friday,
June 17. We picked up a hire car and drove down (up?) to Taupo, a
small town near the geographical middle of the North Island.
We stayed there for a week with my sister Hilly and her partner, who
are
living in Taupo for this year. They chose this small lakeside
town because my Aunty Margery– the only remaining member of our
family’s older generation– has lived there for many years and is now,
at 87, living in a nursing home near the center of town.

On June 25, Bill and I left Taupo and drove east and a little south to
a
town called Napier on the North Island’s east (Pacific) coast. After
two days there, we drove 200 miles south to Martinborough.

It’s my first visit to Aotearoa/New Zealand. I grew up in England
in the 1950s and 1960s, and the general view of NZ that I’d obtained
then was that it was “a more perfect England”, trapped somewhere in the
genteel reaches of the 1920s. Actually, though you can definitely
still catch whiffs of that image here today, much of the country isn’t
like that at all. Starting with its geography: the portions of it
that I’ve seen are far more dramatic than anything you can see in
England, with sharp escarpments, starkly configured volcanic hills and
mountains, steam rising from geothermal features in many places, and
lots of heavy, near-tropical vegetation including distinctly un-English
flora like tree-ferns, long drapy vines, and yuccas.

The culture also seems in many ways un-“English”…

Continue reading “New Zealand notes, #1”

We conquer the capital

Today we were in Wellington, capital of New Zealand. It was a fun day; also, very beautiful. We spent a bunch of time in the National Museum/ Te Pape, and learned a whole lot more about the Treaty of Waitangi and the preservation of Maori language and culture as one of the taonga (treasures) of the Maroi people under the Treaty.
I started drawing some comparisons/contrasts between the situation of the Maori citizens of NZ with that of the ethnically Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up a slightly larger proportion of the national population there. Israel, of course, defines itself as the “state of the Jewish people (everywhere)”, and notably not as the “state of its citizens”. In New Zealand, I don’t think anyone would currently describe her/himself as supporting the country being the “state of the Pakeha (white people)”. Or maybe some would, but not in public.
Anyway, there’s lots more to write about this, which I have started doing for the blog– though I can’t post this yet, given the tech constraints– but shall also now do for al-Hayat. It’s a fascinating topic– the attempt of a settler-dominated society to change course and start to act respectfully toward the culture and (some of) the interests of the indigenous people.
On the tech constraints– we’tre still in this hotel in Martinborough with sclerotic web access and no USB port for my thumbstick. On the other hand, we’re in the heart of a really lovely wine-growing area. So I’ll deal with it.
Tomorrow I’m going to talk with the head of the Maori Land Court in Wellington and then Bill and I fly to Auckland.

Iraq open thread #5

A horrible connection here in Martinborough, New Zealand. I’ll leave this thread here for you all to discuss Iraq, Bush’s Tuesday speech, etc.
I have reams of things I’ve written about NZ on my laptop but I can’t transfer it onto this hotel computer which doesn’t appear to have a spare USB port for my thumbstick. Grrr.
I’ll do what I can connection-wise over the next few days. But I’ll be home in Virginia on July 3 so normal posting on JWN will definitely resume then… maybe before.

US/Iraq: dimensions of the pullback to come

It is now becoming increasingly clear that the US position in Iraq is, quite literally, unwinnable. (This is the case despite the absence of any defintive statement from the US command authorities regarding what it would be that would actually constitute a US “victory” there.) We therefore all need to pay close attention to the implications and the possible modalities of the US defeat that will be unfolding there over the months and years ahead.
One of the first things to bear in mind is that, whereas the US has shown in the past that it is capable of being a (relatively) generous, gracious, and far-sighted winner, these are qualities that it has notably not shown when faced with defeat. In Cuba, in 1961, the invasion that President Kennedy launched at the Bay of Pigs was repulsed by the island’s Cuban defenders– and the US has consistently, through every single change of administration in Washington ever since, continued to try to punish Fidel Castro and the Cuban people for having done that. In Vietnam, in 1975, the nationalist forces were also able– after a long and difficult struggle– to force the last remaining US forces to quit Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City) in a very humiliating form of disorganized scramble. And for 20 years after that, the US continued to try to punish the Vietnamese people for having inflicted that defeat on them…
I am not saying here that the anti-US forces in Iraq will necessarily be able to inflict that same kind of “decisive” defeat on the US forces there– though I wouldn’t rule that out completely. What I am saying is that if the US is forced to withdraw forces from Iraq in some form of disorder, as now seems extremely likely, then we should expect that withdrawal to be accompanied (“covered”) by the US taking some extremely vindictive actions against the country. These would have two aims:

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A soldier’s-eye view

Great writing from embedded WaPo journo Ann Scott Tyson. (Formerly of the CSM.) She was with a combat unit in Ramadi.
Short excerpt:

    When the platoon medic sees that insurgents have taken out another of her “boys,” she swears, grabs her medic’s bag and walks back to her Humvee, slamming the side of it with her fist. Then she pulls out the gray body bag she has learned to carry at all times, and waits for a vehicle to evacuate Miller’s body.
    Hayes and Dermer ride back to camp in their M-113, the roses still tied to the back. They’ve barely cleaned the blood off the vehicle when frustration begins to erupt that afternoon over what seemed to some a flawed, futile mission.
    Their faces dusty and streaked with sweat, the soldiers huddle to talk through the incident, raising more questions than answers. Why had the engineers been operating in daylight, when insurgents could easily “template” their position? Why had the infantry left them vulnerable? Why hadn’t they caught the sniper who killed Miller?
    “What sucks the most,” says Miller’s platoon leader, Lt. Tom Lafave, of Escanaba, Mich., “is we sweep an area and five hours later an IED goes off in the same spot.”
    Miller’s squad leader, Staff Sgt. Steve “Shaggy” Hagedorn, is more blunt. “We spent three days clearing a route and I guarantee it’s worse now than when we started,” he says. “So everyone’s asking, ‘What are we doing it for?’ Everyone’s asking, ‘Am I next?’ ”

Anyway, read the whole thing. It’s great reporting.
But why does the WaPo put it in the (generally more frivolous) “Style” section?
Give the woman a Pulitzer.
Hat-tip to Kebot who sent it to me. Being “down under” I’d missed it.

Good sense from a Republican Senator

Anti-war currents (and anti-Bush currents) are now stirring on a whole new level within Bush’s own party in the Senate. On Monday (US time), US News & World Report published this interview with Nebraska Senator Chuck Hagel.
That USNWR piece by Kevin Whitelaw starts out with this landmark quote from Hagel:

    “Things aren’t getting better; they’re getting worse. The White House is completely disconnected from reality… It’s like they’re just making it up as they go along. The reality is, we’re losing in Iraq.”

Amont the other great quotes there from the Senator:

    “I don’t know where the vice president is getting his information from. It’s not where I’m getting mine from. This administration at the top

‘Our Green Zone correspondent’ on troop levels, unwinnability

John Burns, who is the NYT’s “our man in the Green Zone” of Baghdad, has an important piece in Sunday’s paper that refers clearly to (un-named) US officers there complaining in his hearing that the troop levels at their command are far too low for them to be effective.
The piece also clearly indicates a growing realization among some top US officers that the war in Iraq is unwinnable.
Burns writes that earlier in the past week, the Pentagon had publicly offered a date for a reduction in the current troop levels “even earlier” than the October 1, 2006 date earlier requested by two Republican and two Democratic members of Congress in a letter to Prez Bush. But, Burns notes,

    in recent weeks, American generals here have been telling Congressional visitors that the disappointing performance of many Iraqi combat units has made early departures impractical. They say it will be two years or more before Iraqis can be expected to begin replacing American units as the main guarantors of security.
    Commanders concerned for their careers have not thought it prudent to go further, and to say publicly what many say privately: that with recent American troop levels – 139,000 now – they have been forced to play an infernal board game, constantly shuttling combat units from one war zone to another, leaving insurgent buildups unmet in some places while they deal with more urgent problems elsewhere.
    … American commanders here have been cautioned by the reality that the Pentagon, in a time of all-volunteer forces and plunging recruiting levels, has few if any extra troops to deploy, and that there are limits to what American public opinion would bear. So the generals have kept quiet about troop levels.
    Soldiers in the field, though, have not. Among fighting units in the war’s badlands – in Falluja and Ramadi, in Haditha and Qaim, in Mosul and Tal Afar – complaints about force levels are the talk of officers and enlisted personnel alike.

Burns writes:

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Bush’s Palestinian policy

I’m in New Zealand. More on that later. But meanwhile I just wanted to make note of this very sensible op-ed by Zbigniew Brzezinski and William B. Quandt in Friday’s WaPo.
They note this:

    The statement President Bush delivered at the conclusion of his recent meeting with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas deserves serious attention. It has been much discussed by the Israeli press but drew scant commentary in the U.S. media. The president, in his formal presentation, declared that any final-status agreement between Palestinians and Israelis “must be reached between the two parties, and changes to the 1949 armistice lines must be mutually agreed to.”
    Lest there be any misunderstanding, the president said that “Israel should not undertake any activity that contravenes road map obligations or prejudices final-status negotiations with regard to Gaza, the West Bank and Jerusalem. . . . A viable two-state solution must ensure contiguity of the West Bank. And a state of scattered territories will not work. There must also be meaningful linkages between the West Bank and Gaza. This is the position of the United States today. It will be the position of the United States at the time of final-status negotiations.”
    Bush’s declaration was a significant and helpful restatement of some long-held American positions. If these principles are actively embedded in Washington’s policies over the months ahead, they could help further the president’s stated goals of resolving the long-running Israeli-Palestinian conflict, promoting democracy in the Middle East and undercutting support for Islamist terrorism…

Quite true. But the fact that Bush’s statement to Abu Mazen has received so little notice in the US press, and no real follow-up in the conduct of US diplomacy, leaves me thinking that maybe the statement was just a diplomatic flash-in-the-pan, designed to appease Abu Mazen very briefly but not really to steer US policy in any tangible way at all.
Of course, I’d love to be proved wrong…