I’m pre-occupied at the moment on two legacy projects, including an essay on former Iranian President Khatami. Nearly a year ago here at Monticello’s International Center for Jefferson studies, Khatami’s comments on the compatibility of Islam with Democracy included the assertion that even Iran’s supreme “Leader,” currently Ayatollah Ali Khamenehi, is subject to popular will.
While his extended comments deserve more careful discernment, Khatami and allied Iranian reformers have continued to advance what some observers will deem a “revolutionary” suggestion. Yet it’s also a view that Iran’s naysayers and those itching for a confrontation will be loathe to concede.
Khatami will contend that what he has in mind isn’t “revolutionary” at all, as it’s already in Iran’s constitution, in the form of Iran’s Assembly of Experts – (Majlis-e Kobragan), a body whose 86 members must be elected. The Experts Assembly in turn has responsibility for selecting and monitoring the performance of Iran’s Leader — even removing the Leader, as they might see fit.
Last fall, the doubters emphasized variations on a theme – that the Experts Assembly, Iran’s presumed “College of Cardinals,” was either irrelevant, ignored, captive to hardline clerics, or unrepresentative of popular sentiment due to vetting of candidates, etc., etc. In any case, “the system,” we were knowingly instructed, would never permit popular sentiment to play a real role over the Leader.
Last December 14th, on the eve of Iran’s fifth elections for this assembly, the neoconservative American Enterprise Institute hosted a forum where the main “theme” offered by distinguished observers was that the Experts Assembly was a “disabled body” – one that would remain controlled by hardliners.
Funny thing, somebody forgot to tell Iran’s moderate conservatives and reformists that the elections were meaningless and a foregone conclusion. They coalesced around former Presidents Khatami and Rafsanjani – to hand key hardline figures a startling defeat on Dec. 15th. Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, the presumed mentor to Iran’s current firebrand President Ahmadinejad, tellingly placed a distant 7th in Tehran voting, far behind front runner Rafsanjani. Turn out was higher than past Assembly elections, in part because voters perceived real choices and stakes at hand.
Undaunted, the Iran doubters were out yet again before yesterday’s internal elections at the Experts Assembly to select a new chairman to replace a deceased former chair. Israeli analyst Meir Javedanfar confidently predicted that
“In all likelihood, the right wing conservatives, headed by Ayatollah Yazdi, will beat moderate conservatives because they seem more united and organized. The infighting between moderate conservatives will most probably mean that Ayatollah Rafsanjani, their best known candidate, will be unable to pull off a ‘Shimon Peres,’ and suddenly emerge as a winner after a string of losses. Unfortunately for the West, this means that the chances for a compromise in the nuclear talks will be less likely, as this group is the one most likely to back such an option.”
Javendar, like the AEI forum, got it rather backwards.
Rafsanjani, already head of Iran’s powerful Expediency Council, has been elected Chair of the Assembly of Experts. Echoing Khatami’s views, one Reuters report cited analysts who
“…said the election showed that more moderate conservatives like Rafsanjani were gaining ground in Iran, where there is increasing discontent with the ruling hard-liners over rising tensions with the West, a worsening economy and price hikes in basic commodities and housing….
Rafsanjani’s election is yet another no to the fossilized extremists
While extremists… propo[und] the theory that the legitimacy of Iran’s clerics to rule the country is derived from God, Rafsanjani is believed to side with pro-democracy reformers who believe the government’s authority is derived from popular elections.”
The doubters though are already explaining it away, beginning with Michael Slackman who opines in today’s New York Times,
“Theoretically, Mr. Rafsanjani should be a powerful force…. But Ayatollah Khamenei has the final say on all matters of state. He has shown no interest in restoring Mr. Rafsanjani’s influence and has long viewed him as a challenge to his own authority, many political analysts said.”
Never mind that the Assembly ostensibly has the final say over Khamenehi. For Slackman to be more optimistic would undercut his own lead story, also in today’s NYTimes, on how “hard times and isolation” are actually helping hardliners maintain their power.
I’ve never quite accepted the all-too-easy view that Rafsanjani and Khamenehi are necessarily at loggerheads; sometimes they’re on what R.K. Ramazani once referred to as the same “tandem bicycle.”
Flatly at odds with Slackman, consider Barbara Slavin’s USA Today report: “Iranian Shakeup a Setback for Hardliners.” Note she has quotes supporting this interpretation from two of the speakers (Khalaji & Sammii) at last December’s AEI forum (the very one that didn’t see change coming to the Experts Assembly…)
Alas, Slavin closes her story with a quote from CRS Iran-watcher Kenneth Katzman who attributes potentially encouraging signs of change in Iran to US pressure. If only it was that simple.
The skeptics will have it both ways, as usual. The prospects for Iranian reforms are either a. rendered less likely while Iran is under siege and/or b. somehow attributable to external pressures when they do materialize.
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Footnote: I am particularly struck that Mehdi Khalaji (of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy) has apparently changed his tune to now lend support to Slavin’s report theme that Rafsanjani’s new position and the recent change at the top of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards are both challenges to hardliners around President Ahmadinejad.
Contrast this view with the breathless reporting in Murdoch Media on Sunday, specifically the London Times, by disinformation specialist Uzi Mahnaimi. (the one whom Jonathan Edelstein noted here at jwn last Jan. 8th “seems to make a career of revealing that Israel is about to attack Iran.”) Now he spins one about the Guard leader change being a victory for hardliners, and his only mentioned source is the notoriously unreliable “National Council of Resistance of Iran” – (aka PMOI, MEK, etc. — a group which ironically has been on the US State Department’s terrorist list for the past decade.)