At a press conference in Baghdad a couple of hours ago Hussain al-Shahristani, the Iraqi Shi-ite pol (and former nuclear scientist) who was tipped for the “interim PM” post that Allawi finally got last June, unveiled the electoral list of the United Iraqi Alliance, that he and Ayatollah Sistani have worked at putting together.
Reuters and AP both have reports on Shahristani’s press conference. They are significantly different, so I just decided to archive both accounts together.
JWN readers are no doubt aware that the election is for a constitutional assembly – cum- parliament that will have 275 members, one-third of whom must be women. There’s a single-constituency, p.r. system for voting, similar to Israel’s. In other words, voters vote for a single party (or coalition) list, and then the seats are divided among the lists according to how many votes each receives. Obviously, it’s better for a candidate to be placed near the top of the relevant list as he or she then gets a better chance of being voted in.
So a lot of the jockeying in list-formation goes on around the position of each named candidate on the list. I think each of the lists presented has to have a woman in each third place.
The UIA list presented by Shahristani today contains the names of 228 candidates, indicating that its architects are hoping to win as many as that number of seats in the assembly.
On the crucial issue of Moqtada al-Sadr’s relationship with this list, the Reuters and AP accounts differ significantly. AP reported that,
- Shahristani said the movement of firebrand anti-U.S. cleric Muqtada al-Sadr had been left off the list because it has not registered with Iraq’s electoral commission. It was not immediately clear if any al-Sadr supporters were on the list as independents.
“The Sadrist movement announced that it supports the religious authorities and its call for Iraqis to hold elections,” al-Shahristani added. “It also supports the list.” Shahristani, said the movement of firebrand anti-U.S. cleric Muqtada al-Sadr had been left off the list because it has not registered with Iraq’s electoral commission. It was not immediately clear if any al-Sadr supporters were on the list as independents.
“The Sadrist movement announced that it supports the religious authorities and its call for Iraqis to hold elections,” al-Shahristani added. “It also supports the list.”
The Reuters report said, by contrast:
- Representatives from the movement led by Moqtada al-Sadr, a rebellious young cleric who has led two uprisings against U.S. forces in Iraq this year, are also in the coalition, although Sadr and his chief religious advisers are not involved.
Since AP had an apparent (though not directly cited) quote from Shahristani on the issue of whether the Sadrist movement was included on the list or not, that seems more definitive but who knows. Even that account asserts, however, that the Sadrists will support the list; so that may be the most important thing (if true).
Parties and groupings prominently represented on the list include the two big Shi-ite parties, Da’wa and SCIRI, plus Chalabi’s INC.
Also on the list are some Kurds and some Turkmen, quite possibly all of them also Shi-ites. (Most Kurds, however, are Sunnis, so the Shi-ite/Yazidi Kurds on the UIA list may not pull in huge numbers of Kurdisah votes.)
Regarding non-Shi-ites, the two wire service accounts again differ a little in their assessment of the “weight” of the Sunni Arabs included on the list. AP says that,
- Independent Sunni Muslims belonging to various tribal groups are included on the list, but no major Sunni political movements were named.
Well, it may be true that no major “Sunni political movements” were there. But at least one significant Sunni tribal confederation is apparently represented on the list since the AP account goes on to note that Sheik Fawaz al-Jarba, described as ” head of the powerful Sunni Shemar [Shamar?] tribes in the northwestern city of Mosul”, participated in the press conference and gave it this endorsement: “I think that this list is a patriotic list. We hope that Iraqi people will back this list.”
The Reuters account explicitly says that “the chief of the Shamar”– presumably Jarba– is included on the list. It would of course be interesting to know how many other Sunnis have been included on it as well; also Christians, who are mentioned nowhere in the two wire-service accounts; also, of course, to know the exact position that Jarba and all the other mentioned parties have been given on the UIA list.
Re Jarba and the Shamar, Reuters adds:
- The inclusion of the tribe, led by Sheikh Fouaz al-Jarba, a cousin of Iraq’s interim president, would appear to be a particularly astute move as Iraq’s security forces battle to suppress an insurgency thought to be led by Sunni extremists.
Anyway, no doubt we’ll be getting a lot more of the information we need about the exact composition of the UIA list over the days ahead. I for one would really love to see whether it includes any Christians– and equally importantly, whether it includes them in the “higher” positions on the list where they are likely to get elected.
I note that of Hizbullah’s 12 members in the Lebanese parliament, two are Sunnis and one a Christian. That is of course a very different voting system; but still, it will be interesting to see if Shahristani, Sistani, Chalabi, and the other Shi-ite pols who’ve pulled the UIA list together have aimed at, and succeeded in, getting Christians onto it.
It also seems to me significant that this group of Shi-ite community leaders have been so apparently effective in building and presenting a unified national list. The two Kurdish parties have announced their intention to do so, but haven’t presented their list yet. I find that quite surprising, since the Kurdish parties have a much longer history of engaging in open political-party life– which they have done in semi-independent Kurdistan throughout the past decade– than the Shi-ites, who I previously thought might have a major problem transitioning from extremely scary and violent “politics” of operating as shadowy underground movements, to open political life.
In the end, the ability of the Iraqi Shi-ites to be able to pursue peaceful politics among themselves– and also, to fold into that political life all the other members of the Iraqi community– is the very best guarantee for the building of a stable, decent society in Iraq.
Some people in the west go on and on about sticking up for the rights of minorities. But you can never have even the hope of decent political system– in Iraq, in South Africa or elsewhere– if the rights of the majority grouping inside the population are systematically violated on a continuing basis. So let’s not put the cart before the horse, eh? Let’s see the majority having a good chance of getting their rights assured, and then within the resulting political system of course the protection of minorities is crucial. Smart leaders inside the “majority” communities can also generally be trusted to see that this is in their own best interests, too…
These two paragraphs concerning Al’Sadr may be of interest :
The biggest wild card among the Shiites is firebrand cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. An aide said al-Sadr’s movement had been invited to take part; he suggested the group refused because it wants to see how the vote plays out.
“If the elections results will be beneficial, we will have another chance to join the elections in the coming phases, and if their results were bad it will be recorded that we did not support the occupation’s existence,” said al-Sadr’s representative in Beirut, Lebanon, Hassan al-Zarqani.
Al-Sadr’s movement, which wields wide grassroots support among impoverished and young Shiites, has previously sent mixed messages about its role in the country’s political process. There were signs that while al-Sadr and his top aides were not participating, the list had support of others of his followers.
They were part of an apparently more complete AP wire written by SAMEER N. YACOUB
Al’Sadr attitude apart, I’m not sure to really understand how the Iraqis elections will proceed.
I have often heard that they will be ruled by the principle of “one person, one vote”. But I’m not really sure of what that means. Some explained that Iraqis will only have one vote, which they can give for a whole list, or for a single person. Is it correct ? This seems quite unfair !
OK, let’s suppose that most Iraqis vote for one list, rather than for one person. Then suppose that the IUA get a share of 150 representatives to the new constituancy : then who will tell which of the 228 candidates of this list are elected ? Will there be negotiations between the supporters of the list ?
This seems quite far away from a real democratic choice. The Iraqi should be able to rank the candidates, or at least to scratch the ones they are sure they don’t want..
The rule one person, one vote sounds bizarre when you have to elect so many representatives !
Christiane: I don’t know about Iraq, but in the Netherlands you have one vote per person which you can give to someone on the political parties list. The vote counts for the party *and* for the person. The party votes decide how many representatives that party can have (how many seats in the house). Usually they fill those seats with the top of the list of their party. If they have 25 seats, they take the top 25 people from the list (and number 26 has bad luck). However, sometimes someone is placed low on the list (and thus it is unlikely that he or she will be chosen in this manner) but is very popular and that person will than get so many “preference votes” that he or she has earned a seat for themselves even if there position on the list doesn’t grant it. In the example of 25 seats the person on position 25 has bad luck and will have to find another occupation.
My understanding is that it’s a pure, list-based p.r. (proportional representation) system. In other words, all that will appear on the ballots are the names of the LISTS that have previously been formed. This one being the “UIA” list. Each list also has a symbol (to help illiterate voters identify whom they’re voting for.) Each voter then gets to put her/his mark by just ONE of the lists on the ballot.
A list may contain anything between one and 275 names. When the votes are counted they’re sorted according to which list was marked. Roughly speaking, the total number of votes cast divided by 275 is the number of votes required to fill one seat. So let’s say that just over half of the total votes are cast for the UIA (and it may be more than that), then 138 of the seats (or more, depending) would be given to the top 138 people on the UIA list.
And the order of the people on each list–if it’s anything like the Israeli system– would have been agreed between them, and probably made widely public, long before the day of the election.
I don’t think there’s any provision at all for the kind of vote for an individual that you describe in Netherlands, DM.
The only real uncertainty in the Iraqi system, that I need to do more research on, is whether there’s a system for “redistributing” the votes of people who don’t even win enough votes to gain them one seat. I don’t believe there is…
Helena,
you have confirmed what I feared. I find this is terribly undemocratic, especially with the huge IUA recently formed : Iraqi will vote a blank check to parties whose power balance will be negotiated behind their back. Chalabi for instance has no credibility at all in opinion poll, number of one digit, not more, but he is bound to get seats due to probable behind the scene dirty tricks. It looks like alibi election to my eyes not true democracy. In true democracy, you can select which persons you want to be your representative. This is possible even with a proportional system, by naming the persons you wants to represent you among the candidates, or by striking out candidates you don’t want. This system of one single vote doesn’t look much better than elections in the former USSR. But, well, we already knew that US wasn’t there to bring democracy.
C– I agree with much of what you say. But at least this way citizens get one serious chance to vote, even if the choice is only between these pre-negotiated lists. That strikes me as far superior to Paul Bremer or Negroponte appointing the Iraqis’ leaders… Then, the members of the elected assembly are supposed to negotiate the content of the country’s permanent constitution and then submit that text back to a citizens’ vote by the end of 2005, and also organize an election for the first– hopefully, more fully democratic– parliament to be elected under the terms of the new constitution.
So the current electoral rules are far from perfect. But they are NOT the final word, which is good, for many of the reasons that you describe.
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